UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  PUBLICATIONS 

IN 

AMERICAN    ARCHAEOLOGY   AND    ETHNOLOGY 

Vol.  14,  No.  1,  pp.  1-154  January  10,  1918 


THE  LANGUAGE 
OF  THE  SAL1NAN  INDIANS 


BY 
J.  ALDEN  MASON 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  PRESS 
BERKELEY 


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Vol.  1.      1.  Life  and  Culture  of  the  Hupa,  by  Pliny  Earle  Goddard.    Pp.  1-88; 

plates  1-30.    September,  1903 $1.25 

2.  Hnpa  Texts,  by  Pliny  Earle  Goddard.    Pp.  89-368.    March,  1904 ....    3.00 

Index,  pp.  869-378. 
Vol.  2.      1.  The  Exploration  of  the  Potter  Creek  Cave,  by  William  J.  Sinclair. 

Pp.  1-27;  plates  1-14.    April,  1904  ..._ 40 

2.  The  Languages  of  the  Coast  of  California  South  of  San  Francisco,  by 

A.  L.  Kroeber.    Pp.  29-80,  with  a  map.    June,  1904 60 

3.  Types  of  Indian  Culture  in  California,  by  A.  L.  Kroeber.    Pp.  81-103. 

June,  1904 .25 

4.  Basket  Designs  of  the  Indians  of  Northwestern  California,  by  A.  L. 

Kroeber.    Pp.  105-164;  plates  15-21.    January,  1905  _.      .75 

5.  The  Yokuts  Language  of  South  Central  California,  by  A.  L.  Kroeber. 

Pp.  165-377.    January,  1907  _ 2.28 

Index,  pp.  379-392. 
Vol.  S.          The  Morphology  of  the  Hupa  Language,  by  Pliny  Earle  Goddard. 

344  pp.    June,  1905   _. 3J50 

Vol.  4.      1.  The  Earliest  Historical  Relations  between  Mexico  and  Japan,  from 

original  documents  preserved  in  Spain  and  Japan,  by  Zelia  Nnttall. 

Pp.  1-47.    April,  1908 _ . _...       £0 

2.  Contribution  to  the  Physical  Anthropology  of  California,  based  on  col- 

lections in  the  Department  of  Anthropology  of  the  University  of 
California,  and  .in  the  U.  S.  National  Museum,  by  Ales  Hrdlicka. 
Pp.  49-C4,  with  5  tables;  plates  1-10,  and  map.  June,  1906 „...  .76 

3.  The  Shoshonean  Dialects  of  California,  by  A.  L.  Kroeber.    Pp.  65-168. 

February.  1907  - ~     1.BO 

4.  Indian  Myths  from  South  Central  California,  by  A.  L.  Kroeber.    Pp. 

1H7-260.     May,  1907  _ 73 

5.  The  Washo  Language  of  East  Central  California  and  Nevada,  by  A.  L. 

Kroeber.    Pp.  251-318.     September,  1907  „ _ 75 

6.  The  Religion  of  the  Indians  of  California,  by  A.  L.  Kroeber.    Pp.  319- 

356.    September,  1907  .50 

Index,  pp.  357-374. 
VoL  6.      1.  The  Phonology  of  the  Hupa  Language;  Part  I,  The  Individual  Sounds, 

by  Pliny  Earle  Goddard,    Pp.  1-20,  plates  1-8.    March,  1907 „.      .35 

2.  Navaho  Myths,  Prayers  and  Songs,  with  Texts  and  Translations,  by 

Washington  Matthews,  edited  by  Pliny  Earle  Goddard.  Pp.  21-63. 
September,  1907 _ 75 

3.  Kato  Texts,  by  Pliny  Earle  G-odd&rd.    Pp.  65-238,  plate  9.    December, 

1909    : 2.50 

4.  The  Material  Culture  of  the  Klamath  Lake  and  Modoc  Indiani  of 

Northeastern  California  and  Southern  Oregon,  by  S.  A.  Barrett. 

Pp.  289-292,  pistes  10-25.    June,  1910 _ .75 

5.  The  Chimariko  Indians  and  Language,  by  Roland  B.  Dixon.    Pp.  293- 

380.     August,  1910 1.00 

Index,  pp.  381-384. 

Vol.  6.      1.  The  Ethno-Geography  of  the  Porno  and  Neighboring  Indians,  by  Sam- 
uel Alfred  Barrett.    Pp.  1-332,  maps?  1-2.    February,  1908 3.25 

2.  The  Geography  and  Dialects  of  the  Miwok  Indians,  by  Samuel  Alfred 

Barrett.    Pp.  333-368,  map  3. 

3.  On  the  Evidence  of  the  Occupation  of  Certain  Regions  by  the  Miwok 

Indians,  by  A.  L.  Kroeber.    Pp.  369-380.    Nos.  2  and  3  in  oae  cover. 

February,  1908  ..._ _ -BO 

Index,  pp.  381-400. 


University  of  California  Publications  in 


VOLUME  XIV 
1918-1919 


A.  L.  KROEBER      • 

EDITOR 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA   PRESS 
BERKELEY,  CALIFORNIA 


INDEX* 


Agates,  376. 

Agua  Caliente  Indians.  See  Cupefio 
Indians. 

Alaska  Indians,  culture  of,  368. 

Algonkin  linguistic  stock,  250-251. 

Arcata,  California,  248. 

Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory, 
sites  or  deposits,  255,  256-257, 
258,  260-261,  275-281;  classes  of 
remains,  279-281;  illustrations  of, 
opp.  414,  416,  424,  428. 
Gunther  island  shellmound  (site 
67),  337-386,  352;  environment, 
337;  size,  shape,  composition, 
339-345;  vertebrate  remains,  345; 
age,  347;  human  remains,  350; 
material  culture,  357. 

Arrow  tree,  252,  253;  picture  of,  opp. 
410. 

Artifacts  of  the  Wiyot  Indians,  280, 
387-392.  See  also  Implements. 

Athapascan  Indians,  251-256;  plant 
names,  234;  geographical  names, 
284,  285,  290-292. 

Barrett,  S.  A.,  437. 

Basketry,  386. 

"Battle-grounds,"  Indian,  257. 

Beads,  use  of,  by  Wiyot  Indians,  386. 

Bear  shamans,  209-211. 

Blue  Lake,  Indian  settlements  near, 
263-265. 

Bodega,  Spanish  explorer,  241. 

Bone,  objects  of,  382-384. 

Bucksport,  California,  248. 

Burials,  Indian,  254,  350,  351-353, 
367-368,  386.  See  also  Cremation. 

Cahuilla  Indians,  totems  of,  169,  170, 
186;  clan  and  moiety  organiza- 
tion, 186-188,  215,  216,  219; 
myths,  188;  list  of  clans,  189-191. 

California,  aboriginal  population,  esti- 
mates, 298-305;  treatment  of, 
308-311,  317-329,  334-337;  reser- 
vation system,  311-316;  massacres 
by  the  whites  in  1860,  329-334. 
See  also  under  Indian  and  names 
of  Indian  tribes. 

Moieties,  clans,  and  totems  in,  215- 
219;  map  showing  locations  of, 
opp.  215;  varieties  of  moiety  or- 
ganization, 215;  distribution  of 
clan  organization,  four  groups, 
216,  217;  affinity  and  ultimate 
origin  of,  218;  problem  of  totem- 
ism,  219. 


Cardium,  280. 

Charmstones,  255. 

Chert,  formation  in  Humboldt  bay 
region,  279;  implements  of,  357, 
359,  360,  361,  375. 

Chilula  Indians,  251-253;  the  "Arrow 
Tree,"  252. 

Chukchansi  Indians,  216. 

Chumash  Indians,  216. 

Chunut  Indians,  216. 

Clan  names;  Luiseno,  203;  of  women: 
Piman,  176,  219;  Shoshonean 
(Serrano),  180;  Yuman,  157-161, 
162,  163,  164,  165,  166,  167,  219. 

Clans  and  Moieties  in  Southern  Cali- 
fornia, 155-219;  Indian  inform- 
ants on,  164,  166,  167,  172,  176, 
187,  192,  209  note,  211. 

day,  objects  of,  377-380. 

Clowns,  in  Indian  dance  ceremonies, 
457. 

Composition  of  Gunther  Island  shell- 
mound,  339-344,  346.  See  also 
Gunther  island. 

Copper,  242. 

Cocopa  Indians,  156,  216;  clans  of, 
158,  159-161;  women's  clan 
names,  162,  163,  164,  165;  clan 
customs,  166;  totem  beliefs,  166. 

Colorado  river  Indian  tribes,  156, 
215,  216. 

Coulter,  5. 

Cremation,  347,  353. 

Culture,  material,  of  Indians  in  Wiyot 
Territory,  357-392.  See  also 
Artifacts;  Implements;  Names  of 
materials,  etc. 

Cupeno  Indians,  170;  clan  and  moiety 
organization,  192-199,  216;  to- 
tems, 192,  193;  clans  and  parties 
of,  193-195;  ceremonies  and  cus- 
toms, 196-198;  myths,  199-201. 

Curtis,  E.  S.,  acknowledgment,  157; 
cited  and  quoted  on  Piman  clan 
system,  174-176. 

Dances  (dance  ceremonies),  174,  196, 
208,  213,  268,  269,  282,  461,  462, 
464,  472;  ceremonial  objects, 
441-442;  Tuya  dances,  447,  454, 
457,  460;  Moki  dance,  451;  sweat 
dances,  454,  461;  Toto  dance 
songs,  481.  See  also  Orations; 
Wintun  Indians. 

de  la  Cuesta,  A.,  5. 


*  Univ.  Calif.  Publ.  Am.  Arch.  Ethn.,  XIV. 

[503] 


Index 


Diegueno  Indians,  156;  clan  features 
of,  167,  216;  list  of  clans  of,  167- 
168,  174;  clan  customs,  168-169; 
culture  and  origin  myth  of  the 
Southern  Diegueno,  169-172. 
Northern  Diegueno,  clans,  172-173; 
clan  customs,  173. 

Dixon,  E.  B.,  5. 

Dixon  and  Kroeber,  cited,  250. 

Drake,  Francis,  241. 

Eel  river,  Indian  settlements  on,  271- 
272. 

Emeryville,  shellmound,  347. 

Ethnobotany  of  Humboldt  bay  re- 
gion, 231-235;  Wiyot  plant  names 
and  uses,  232;  Athapascan  plant 
names,  234. 

Ethnogeography  and  Archaeology  of 
the  Wiyot  Territory,  221-436. 
See  also  Wiyot  Territory. 

Eureka,  Indian  villages  near  town 
of,  266-269. 

Exogamy,  166,  167,  169,  173,  177,  178, 
180,  186,  193,  213. 

Fauna  of  Humboldt  bay  region,  235- 
251;  mammals,  235;  birds,  237; 
fish,  237;  mollusks,  239;  other 
fauna,  240. 

Ferrelo,  Spanish  explorer,  241. 

Flint,  256;  implements  of,  358,  359, 
360,  361;  illustrated,  opp.  420, 
422;  in  Gunther  island  shell- 
mound,  376. 

Gabrielino  Indians,  216. 

Gambling  songs,  Indian,  483,  484. 

Gashowu  Indians,  216. 

Genetic  Relationship  of  the  North 
American  Indian  Languages,  489- 
502;  early  studies  of,  489-490; 
list  of  linguistic  stocks  in  North 
America,  490;  fundamental  re- 
semblances, morphological,  490- 
491;  with  reference  to  specific 
tracts,  491 ;  three  subgroups  sug- 
gested, 492;  ethnological  consid- 
erations, 492;  data  demonstrat- 
ing, 493-502. 

Geographical  names  used  by  Indians: 
Athapascan,  284,  285,  290-292; 
Yurok,  297-298;  Wiyot,  284-285, 
286-290,  292-296. 

Geology  of  the  Humboldt  bay  region, 
279-280. 

Gifford,  E.  W.,  155. 

Glen  Cove,  shellmound,  347. 

Goddard,  P.  E.,  cited,  255,  264. 

Gould  and  Yates,  5. 

Gunther  island,  massacre  on,  263,  268. 

Gunther  island  shellmound,  225,  266,  ' 
268,    283,    352;    archaeology    of, 
337-386;   environment,  size,  and 
shape,     337;     composition,     339; 


vertebrate  remains,  345;  age, 
347;  .human  remains,  350;  mate- 
rial culture,  357. 

Hale,  N.,  5. 

Harrington,  J.  P.,  acknowledgment, 
157. 

Henshaw,  H.  W.,  5. 

Hesi  ceremony.  See  Wintun  Hesi 
ceremony. 

Hokan  family  of  Indian  languages,  5. 

Hopi  Indians,  219. 

Horn,  objects  of,  380-381. 

Hudson  Bay  Company,  247. 

Human  remains  in  shellmounds,  350. 

Human  sacrifice  among  Indians,  368, 
372. 

Humboldt  bay,  discovery  of,  245;  In- 
dian settlements  on,  269-271; 
early  map  of,  opp.  406. 

Humboldt  bay  region,  226-248,  279- 
280;  physiography,  226;  forest, 
228;  prairie,  230;  Indian  trails, 
230;  ethnobotany,  231;  discovery 
and  settlement,  241. 

Humboldt  city,  270. 

Hustenate,  shellmound  described  by 
Schumacher,  349,  352,  354,  356. 

Implements  of  the  Wiyot  Indians, 
280,  357-375. 

Indian  Commissioners  for  California, 
1851,  report  of,  298;  various  esti- 
mates of  its  members  as  to  abo- 
riginal population,  299-301. 

Indian  ceremonial  systems,  438,  440. 
See  also  Wintun  Hesi  ceremony; 
Wintun  Indians. 

Indian  languages,  Hokan,  and  Isko- 

man,  groups,  5;  vocabularies  of, 

5.    See  also  Genetic  Eelationship, 

.     etc.;   Salinan  Indians,  Language 

of. 

Indian  reservation  system  in  Cali- 
fornia, 311-316. 

"Indian  Wars"  in  California,  309- 
311. 

Iron,  242. 

' '  Iskoman ' '  group,  of  Indian  lan- 
guages, 5. 

Juaneno  Indians,   216. 

Kamia  Indians,  clan  names,  158,  159, 
161,  162,  164,  167. 

Kawaiisu  Indians,  216. 

Klamath  river,  248. 

Kohuana  Indians,  clan  names,  156- 
162. 

Kroeber,   A.   L.,   5;    cited,   250,    269, 
282;   acknowledgment,   155,   157. 
Kroeber  and  Dixon,  E.  B.,  cited,  250. 
Lindsey,  W.  E.,  «ited,  259. 
Loud,  L.  L.,  221. 


[504] 


Index 


Luiseno    Indians,    non-totemic,    201; 

organization,  201-202,  216;   clan 

names,  202,  203-205;  parties,  206- 

208,  212;  customs,  208-212,  213; 

bear    shamans,    209-211;    myths, 

212;  individual  names,  214. 
McKee  expedition  of  1851,  298-300, 

301. 

Macoma  nasuta,  280. 
Mad  river,  Wiyot  Indian  settlements 

on,  258-263. 

Mad  river  slough,  Wiyot  Indian  set- 
tlements on,  265-266. 
Maidu  Indians,  ceremonial  dance  sys- 
tem, 440;  ceremonial  clown,  457. 
Maricopa   Indians,   clan   names,   156- 

162. 

Mason,  J.  Alden,  1. 
Massacres  of,  1860,  270,  272,  274,  329- 

334;  at  Gunther  island,  263,  268. 
Matthole  Indians,  256. 
Maurelle,  cited,  245. 
Miwok  moieties,  176,  215;  clan  names, 

202;  personal  names,  219. 
Mohave   Indians,   clans   of,    156-161; 

women's    clan    names,    164-165; 

clan  organization,  216. 
Moieties,  and  Clans,  of  Southern  Cali- 

fornia^  155-219. 
Moki,    ceremonial    dance,    cloak    for, 

442;    the    dance,    451;    speeches, 

476-479. 

Mono  moiety  organization,  215. 
Mythology     (mythological    interest), 

myths,  among  the  Wiyot  Indians, 

281-284;   among  the  Athapascan 

Indians,  283,  284. 
Mytilus  calif  ornianus,  280. 

edulis,  280. 

Nongatl  Indians,  255. 
Nutunutu  Indians,  216. 
Obsidian    in    Humboldt    bay    region, 

243,  280,  376;  ceremonial  blades, 

knives,   etc.,   357,   358,   359,   360, 

361;  illustrated,  opp.  420. 
Ophthalmia    among    Wiyot    Indians, 

278. 
Orations,  in  Indian  dance  ceremonies, 

452,  460,  462,  465,  473,  475-482 

(Bole  Ho),  476. 
Papago    Indians,    totemic    clans    in, 

174-177;  clan  names,  219. 
Paphia,  280. 
Pestles,    sandstone,    361-363;    figures 

of,  389. 
Pima  Indians,  totemic  clans  of,  174- 

176;  clan  names,  219. 
Piman   clans.      See  Papago   Indians; 

Pima  Indians. 
Porno  Indians,  ceremonial  clowns  of, 

457. 
Powell,  J.  W.,  5. 


Powers,  S.,  cited,  253,  254,  256. 

Quartz,  376. 

Eadin,  P.,  489. 

Eussell,  F.,  cited  and  quoted,  on  Pima 
clan  system,  174,  176. 

Eussians,  The,  on  the  Pacific  Coast, 
245. 

Salinan  Indians,  The  Language  of  the, 
1-154;  early  work  on,  4-6;  In- 
dian informants,  4;  dialect  of,  6; 
phonology,  7-17;  morphology,  18- 
58;  texts,  59-120;  vocabulary, 
121-154.  See  also  pages  1-3. 

Sandstone,  376;  implements,  361-375, 
379. 

San  Francisco  bay,  shellmounds,  245. 

Sapir,  E.,  5. 

Saxidomus,  280. 

Schizothaerus,  280. 

Schumacher,  Paul,  cited,  349. 

Sequoia  sempervirens,  228. 

Serrano  Indians,  170;  clan  and  moiety 
organization,  178-182,  216,  219; 
totems,  178;  clan  names,  179-180; 
clan  customs,  180-182;  myths, 
182-186. 

Shamans,  bear,  209-211. 

Shell,  objects  of,  384-386;  figures 
showing,  385. 

Shellmounds.  See  Emeryville;  Glen 
Cove;  Gunther  island;  San  Fran- 
cisco bay. 

Shoshonean  Indians,  155,  167,  168, 
170. 

Shoshonean  clans  and  moieties,  177- 
214.  See  also  Cahuilla  Indians; 
Cupeno  Indians;  Luiseno  Indians; 
Serrano  Indians. 

Siliqua  patula,  280. 

Sinkyone  Indians,  256. 

Sitjar,  Fray  Buenaventura,  5. 

Slave-killers,  366-375;  figures  of,  371, 
373,  opp.  430. 

Slavery  among  the  Indians,  366-367, 
368. 

Sparkman,  P.  S.,  acknowledgment, 
203. 

Steatite,  376. 

Surf-fishing  sites,  278-281. 

Sweat  dances,  454-461. 

Tachi  Indians,  216. 

Taylor,  A.  S.,  5. 

Telamni  Indians,  216. 

Totemic  Indian  clans,  155,  156-161, 
163,  164,  166,  169,  170,  174-176, 
177.  • 

Totemism,  in  California,  origin,  219; 
development  of,  in  moiety  organ- 
ization, 219;  expressed  in  names 
of  individuals,  219. 

Toto  ceremony  of  the  Wintun  Indians, 
438,  439. 


[505] 


Index 


Trinidad  bay,  242;  Spanish  accounts 
of  Indians  on,  242-243;  English 
accounts  of  Indians  on,  244-245; 
discovery  and  accounts  of,  by  gold 
seekers,  247-248. 

Tiibatulabal  Indians,  216. 

Tuya,  ceremonial  dance,  447,  454,  460; 
costumes,  446,  447. 

Vancouver,  George,  English  explorer, 
244. 

Vertebrate  remains  in  Gunther  island 
shellmound,  345-346. 

Vizcaino,  241. 

Vocabularies  of  Indian  languages,  5. 

Waterman,  T.  T.,  5. 

Wechikhit  Indians,  216. 

Whilkut  Indians,  253-255. 

Winship,  Captain  J.,  discovery  of 
Humboldt  bay,  245-247. 

Wintun  Hesi  Ceremony,  437-488;  In- 
dian information,  440;  detailed 
description  of  ceremony  of  1906, 
441-482 ;  the  "  hand  "  or  "  grass ' ' 
game,  482.  See  also  Dances;  Win- 
tun  Indians. 

Wintun  Indians,  territory,  languages, 
culture  relationship,  mortuary  cus- 
toms, 438;  ideas  regarding  the 
world,  463;  "hand"  or  "grass" 
game,  482. 

Ceremonial  system,  438-441;  major 
ceremonies,  Toto  and  Hesi,  pur- 
pose of,  438;  relative  importance, 
439;  minor  ceremonies,  439; 
dances,  439;  assemblies,  439; 
Toto  ceremony,  439-440. 

Wiyot  geographical  names,  284-285, 
286-290,  292,  296. 


Wiyot  house,  description  of,  264,  267; 
figures  showing,  267. 

Wiyot  Indians,  leading  men  of,  260; 
ophthalmia  among,  278;  estimates 
of  population,  298-305,  392. 

Wiyot  Territory,  Ethnogeography 
and  Archaeology  of,  221-436; 
boundaries,  249;  Indian  neigh- 
bors, 249-256;  map  of,  opp.  402. 
Ethnogeography,  256-337;  descrip- 
tion of  settlements,  258-285; 
archaeological  sites,  275;  sites  for 
surf -fishing,  278;  places  of  mytho- 
logical interest,  281;  geographical 
names:  Wiyot,  286,  292;  Atha- 
pascan, 290;  Yurok,  297;  aborig- 
inal population,  298.  See  also 
Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Ter- 
ritory. 

Yates  and  Gould,  5. 

Yokut  moiety  organization,  215,  219; 
lack  of,  in  certain  peoples,  216. 

Yuma  Indians,  clans  of,  156-161; 
women 's  clan  names,  162,  163, 
164,  165,  167;  clan  organization, 
216. 

Yuman  clans,  features  common  to, 
156.  See  also  Cocopa  Indians; 
Kamia  Indians;  Kohuana  In- 
dians; Maricopa  Indians;  Mohave 
Indians;  Yuma  Indians.  See  also 
Clan  names  of  women. 

Yurok  Indians,  early  Spanish  accounts 
of,  242-243;  settlements  of,  249- 
250;  social  relations  with  Wiyot 
Indians,  250;  linguistic  relations, 
250-251;  geographical  names,  297, 
298;  burial  customs,  353. 


[506] 


CONTENTS 


NUMBER  1. — The  Language  of  the  Salinan  Indians,  J.  Aides  Mason,  pages  1-154. 

NUMBER  2. — Clans  and  Moieties  in  Southern  California,  Edward  Winslow  Gifford, 
pages  155-219. 

NUMBER  3. — Ethnogeography  and  Archaeology  of  the  Wiyot  Territory,  Llewellyn 
L.  Loud,  pages  221-436,  plates  1-21. 

NUMBER  4. — The  Wintun  Hesi  Ceremony,  S.  A.  Barrett,  pages  437-488,  plates 
22-23. 

NUMBER  5. — The  Genetic  Relationship  of  the  North  American  Indian  Languages, 
Paul  Eadin,  pages  489-502. 


UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA  PUBLICATIONS 

IN 

AMERICAN    ARCHAEOLOGY   AND    ETHNOLOGY 

Vol.  14,  No.  1,  pp.  1-154  January  10,  1918 


THE  LANGUAGE  OF  THE  SALINAN  INDIANS 


BY 

J.  ALDEN  MASON 


CONTENTS 

PAGE 

INTRODUCTION    4 

PART  I.    PHONOLOGY  7 

Phonetic  system  7 

Vowels    7 

Quality  8 

Nasalization    8 

Voiceless   vowels  8 

Accent    9 

Consonants    9 

Semi-vowels    9 

Nasals  10 

Laterals    „ 10 

Spirants    10 

Stops    11 

Affricatives  12 

Table  of  phonetic  system  13 

Phonetic  processes  13 

Vocalic    assimilation    13 

Syncope    : 14 

Reduplication    14 

Onomatopoeia  15 

Metathesis  15 

Dissimilation  16 

Elision    16 

Phonetic  differences  in  dialect  17 

PART  II.    MORPHOLOGY 18 

Etymology  18 

Nominalizing   suffixes    18 

Verbalizing  suffixes  20 

Adjectivizing  suffixes  21 

Nominal  etymological  prefixes  21 

Grammatical  structure  22 

Noun  and  verb  22 

Plural    .                                                   22 


2  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 

PAGE 

The  Noun  29 

Nominal  prefixes  29 

Pronominal    possession    30 

Pronominal  system  32 

Independent  pronouns   32 

Locative    pronouns    33 

Table  of  pronominal  forms  33 

The  Verb  _ 34 

Proclitics 34 

Temporal    proclitics    34 

Interrogative  proclitics   35 

Proclitic  pronominal  subject   36 

Prefixes    37 

Transitive,  intransitive,  nominal   38 

Imperative    40 

Negative    41 

Interrogative 42 

Conditional  _ 43 

Dependent   ~ 44 

Purposive    44 

Substantive  45 

Verb  stem  45 

Objective  pronouns  46 

Passive    forms    48 

Suffixes 48 

Enclitics 50 

Cjuasi-enclitics    50 

Tense  enclitics  52 

Enclitic   pronominal   subject    54 

Adverbs   54 

Temporal  adverbs  55 

Locative  adverbs  55 

Other  parts  of  speech 57 

Prepositions    57 

Adjectives  57 

Demonstratives  58 

Conjunctions   58 

PART  III.    TEXTS 59 

Dialect  of  San  Antonio  1 60 

Prairie-Falcon,  Kaven  and  Coyote  60 

Analysis   64 

Prairie-Falcon  and  White  Owl  67 

Cricket  and  Mountain  Lion  69 

Great  Hawk  and  the  Cold  73 

The  Animals  and  God  76 

The   Pelican    77 

Coyote  and  the  Salt  Water  .'. 79 

The  Beginning  of  the  World  81 

The  Theft  of  Fire  82 

How  People  Were  Made   83 

The  Tar  Man  84 


1918]  Mason:  The  Language  of  the  Salinan  Indians  3 

PAGE 

Prairie-Falcon  and  Woodpecker  „     85 

Coyote  and  Wildcat   86 

Coyote  and  Hare    87 

Coyote  and  Kabbit  88 

Coyote  and  Bull    88 

Coyote  and  the  Sun  90 

The  Sun  and  the  Moon 91 

Prairie-Falcon,  Xui  and  the  Serpent  92 

The  Murderers  93 

The   Eainmaker   94 

The  Mountain-Lion  Hunt  94 

A   Forest   Fire 97 

A  Trip  to  San  Francisco  98 

Toy  and  Bluejay  99 

The    Elk    101 

The  Fight  102 

Dialect  of  San  Miguel  104 

The  Beginning  of  the   World   104 

The  Theft  of  Fire  105 

The  Tar  Woman   108 

Prairie-Falcon  and  Elf  110 

The  Serpent    112 

The  Elf  and  the  Bear  114 

The  Old  People  117 

The  Eclipse  118 

The  Tornado    118 

The  Famine  Year  119 

The  Earthquake  120 

PART  IV.     VOCABULARY 1 21 

Nominal   stems   122 

Animals    * 122 

Body   parts   126 

Botanical  terms  128 

Manufactured   objects   130 

Natural  phenomena  132 

Personal    terms    133 

Abstract  and  miscellaneous  terms  135 

Verbal   stems   137 

Adjectival    stems    149 

Various  stems   - 151 

Demonstrative  articles  151 

Temporal  adverbs 152 

Locative    adverbs    152 

Descriptive  adverbs  153 

Numerals   153 

Conjunctions    154 

Interjections   154 


University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.      [Vol.14 


INTRODUCTION 

This  study  of  the  dialects  composing  the  Salinan  linguistic  group 
was  begun  in  September,  1910,  when  I  made  a  visit  to  the  neighbor- 
hood of  the  old  Mission  of  San  Antonio  in  Monterey  County,  where 
live  the  few  remaining  members  of  this  group.  Here  a  little  work 
was  done  with  the  oldest  member  of  each  of  the  two  divisions,  Jose 
Cruz  of  the  Antoniaiio  and  Perfecta  Encinales  of  the  Migueleilo 
dialect.  An  incomplete  acquaintance  with  Spanish,  the  medium  of 
communication,  coupled  with  a  lack  of  satisfactory  interpreters  and 
other  disappointing  circumstances,  rendered  this  visit  not  wholly  prof- 
itable. Consequently  arrangements  were  later  made  by  which  Pedro 
Encinales,  one  of  the  middle-aged  Indians,  visited  San  Francisco, 
where  I  worked  with  him  from  Thanksgiving  until  Christmas.  During 
this  time  Dr.  T.  T.  Waterman  made  some  researches  on  the  phonetics 
of  the  language  with  the  help  of  various  mechanical  apparatus. 
Unfortunately  the  informant  was  found  to  be  totally  ignorant  of  all 
mythology,  and  the  few  texts  received  from  him  were  rather  poor. 
The  month  of  January,  1911,  was  spent  in  linguistic  work  upon  the 
material  received. 

For  five  years  I  was  unable  to  continue  my  researches  upon  Salinan, 
but  these  were  again  taken  up  in  January,  1916,  to  continue  through- 
out that  year.  A  second  trip  was  made  to  the  region  of  Jolon, 
Monterey  County.  In  the  intervening  years  Jose  Cruz  and  Perfecta 
Encinales  were  found  to  have  died,  but  better  linguistic  informants 
were  found  in  the  persons  of  David  Mora,  a  pure  Antoniaiio  Indian, 
and  Maria  Ocarpia,  a  pure  Migueleno.  An  unexpectedly  good  series 
of  mythological  texts  were  secured  from  these.  Another  old  Indian, 
Juan  Quintana,  was  found  to  be  an  unsatisfactory  linguistic  informant, 
but  gave  a  number  of  mythological  stories  in  Spanish,  which  were 
translated  into  Salinan  by  Maria  Encinales,  a  sister  of  Pedro,  and  by 
David  Mora. 

Furthermore,  all  the  extant  linguistic  material  from  other  sources 
has  been  examined  in  the  preparation  of  this  paper.  This  collection 
was  begun  more  than  a  century  ago  with  the  preparation  of  a  vocab- 
ulary and  phrase-book  of  the  language  of  the  Indians  of  Mission  San 


1918]  Mason:  The  Language  of  the  Salinan  Indians  5 

Antonio  by  the  founder  of  the  Mission,  Fray  Buenaventura  Sitjar. 
The  manuscript  was  sent  to  "Washington  by  the  indefatigable  A.  S. 
Taylor  and  published  by  J.  G.  Shea.1  In  1821  Felipe  Arroyo  de  la 
Cuesta,  the  author  of  the  grammar  and  phrase-book  of  Mutsun,  took 
a  vocabulary  from  the  Salinan  Mission,  which  is  preserved  in  Santa 
Barbara.  A  transcription  was  made  by  Gatschet  and  deposited  in 
Washington.  Coulter  recorded  a  short  vocabulary  from  San  Antonio,2 
and  Hale  a  short  vocabulary  from  San  Miguel.3  Yates  and  Gould 
collected  in  1887  a  San  Miguel  vocabulary,  which  is  now  in  the  pos- 
session of  the  Bureau  of  American  Ethnology,  and  Alexander  S.  Taylor 
recorded  short  vocabularies  and  phrases.4  All  of  these  vocabularies 
have  been  examined  and  compared,  but  with  the  exception  of  Sit  jar's 
they  are  of  small  value. 

The  first  really  intensive  and  modern  work  on  Salinan  was  done 
by  H.  W.  Henshaw  in  1884,  when  he  was  engaged  in  determining  the 
linguistic  affinities  of  the  California  Indians  for  Major  Powell  and 
the  Bureau  of  American  Ethnology.5  Henshaw 's  material  was  kindly 
loaned  by  the  Bureau,  together  with  all  other  Salinan  linguistic 
material  in  its  possession,  and  has  been  of  great  value. 

Dr.  A.  L.  Kroeber  visited  the  region  in  1902,  and  formulated  his 
ideas  concerning  the  language  in  a  paper.6  Both  this  and  his  manu- 
script notes  have  been  studied.  The  phonetic  data  of  Dr.  Waterman 
have  also  been  studied  and  the  chief  results  noted. 

Recently  Drs.  Dixon  and  Kroeber  have  united  Salinan  with  Chu- 
mash  in  an  "Iskoman"  group,7  which,  in  turn,  they  have  subsequently 
come  to  regard  as  part  of  the  Hokan  family.  This  reclassification  has 
been  accepted  by  several  American  anthropologists  and  many  Salinan 
words  have  been  included  by  Dr.  Sapir  in  his  comparative  paper.8 


1  Buenaventura  Sitjar,  Vocabulary   of  the   Language   of  San  Antonio   Mis- 
sion, California  (in  Shea's  Library  of  American  Linguistics)   (New  York,  1861). 

2  Coulter,   Journal   of   the   London   Eoyal   Geographical   Society;    copied   in 
Transactions  of  the  American  Ethnological  Society,  II,  129,  1848. 

s  Horatio  Hale,  in  Transactions  of  the  American  Ethnological  Society,  n,  126, 
1848. 

*  A.  S.  Taylor,  The  Indianology  of  California,  in  California  Farmer  (San 
Francisco,  1860),  passim. 

s  J.  W.  Powell,  Indian  Linguistic  Families,  Seventh  Annual  Eeport,  Bureau 
of  American  Ethnology,  Washington,  p.  101,  1891. 

e  A.  L.  Kroeber,  Languages  of  the  Coast  of  California  South  of  San  Fran- 
cisco, present  series,  n,  43-47,  1904. 

7  E.  B.  Dixon  and  A.  L.  Kroeber,  New  Linguistic  Families  yfl  California, 
American  Anthropologist,  n.s.  xv,  647-655,  1913. 

s  Edward  Sapir,  The  Position  of  Yana  in  the  Hokan  Stock,  present  series, 
xin,  1-34,  1917. 


6  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 

The  Salinan  language  comprises  the  two  surviving  dialects  of  the 
missions  of  San  Antonio  and  San  Miguel.  These  two  dialects  are 
mutually  intelligible  with  little  difficulty.  Regarding  the  prehistoric 
tribal  divisions,  conjectures  only  can  be  made. 

For  all  non-linguistic  data  on  the  Salinan  Indians  the  reader  is 
referred  to  my  ethnological  paper.9 


8  J.  A.   Mason,   The  Ethnology  of  the  Salinan   Indians,  present  series,   x, 
97-240,   1912. 


1918]  Mason:  The  Language  of  the  Salinan  Indians 


PART  I.  PHONOLOGY 

PHONETIC  SYSTEM 

The  Salinan  dialects  are  characterized  phonetically  by  a  rather 
harsh  acoustic  effect.  In  this  they  differ  radically  from  the  flowing 
and  musical  Costanoan  languages  to  the  north,  but  bear  a  superficial 
resemblance  to  the  Yokuts  and  Chumash  to  the  east  and  south.  The 
two  Salinan  dialects  differ  very  slightly  in  phonetics,  that  of  San 
Miguel  being  apparently  more  accentuated  in  its  harsh  character, 
possibly  by  reason  of  closer  contact  with  the  latter-named  extraneous 
languages,  or  possibly  due  merely  to  peculiarities  of  the  informant. 
Naturally  this  harsh  character  is  far  more  evident  when  the  words 
are  given  slowly  with  the  careful  enunciation  inevitable  to  the  re- 
cording of  native  language.  In  rapid  speech  much  of  this  harshness, 
which  is  evidently  due  rather  to  the  frequency  of  glottal  stops  and 
surd  stops  with  glottalization  than  of  guttural  consonants,  is  softened. 

The  phonetic  orthography  used  is  based  on  the  Report  of  the 
Committee  of  the  American  Anthropological  Association  on  Phonetic 
Transcription  of  Indian  languages.10  A  few  minor  changes  have  been 
made  from  the  recommendations  of  this  committee  to  suit  the  pecu- 
liarities of  the  language  and  to  facilitate  preparation  and  printing. 

VOWELS 

Salinan  appears  to  make  use  of  eight  fundamental  vowels.  These 
are: 

a  mid-mixed  narrow.    This  is  the  broad  or  Italian  a  found  in  Spanish  cara  and 

approximated  in  English  father.     When  short  in  quantity  it  approaches 

more  closely  the  vocalic  sound  of  American  not. 
a,  mid-back  narrow.     This  approaches  closely  the  vocalic  sound  of  but.     In 

actual  practice  these  two  a  sounds  have  frequently  been  confused. 
e    mid-front   narrow.     Nearly   as   narrow   as   English  say  and   probably   as 

narrow  as  Spanish  beber.    It  is  generally  but  not  invariably  long  in  quantity. 
e  mid-front  wide.     Like  English  men. 
I    high-front  narrow.     Nearly  as  narrow  as  English  meet;  frequently  long 

in  quantity. 
i   high-front  wide.    As  in  pretty.     The  wide  e  and  i  are  difficult  to  analyze. 

When  quantitatively  long  the  vowel  is  invariably  heard  as  e  and  certain 

short  vowels  are  invariably  heard  so.     Other  short  vowels  are  invariably 

heard  as  i  but  the  greater  number  are  heard  as  e  or  i  indeterminately.     In 

such  cases  the  vowel  as  originally  written,  either  e  or  i  has  been  retained. 

Palatogram  tests  show  the  closest  occlusion  for  the  narrow  i,  less  for  the 

indeterminate  e-i  and  least  for  the  wide  e. 


10  Smithson.  Inst.  Misc.  Pub.,  2415,  1916. 


8  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 

o  mid-back  wide  round.  Intermediate  wide-narrow  with  a  greater  tendency 
toward  wideness,  somewhat  as  in  boy. 

u  high -back  wide  round.  Approximately  as  in  put.  The  o-u  vowels  present 
the  same  difficulties  as  the  e-i  vowels  and  are  frequently  confused,  o  is 
generally  certain,  especially  when  of  doubled  length.  Certain  other  vowels 
are  heard  invariably  as  wide  u;  these  appear  to  be  always  of  short  length. 
But  yet  others  are  heard  as  intermediate  between  o  and  u  and  when  of 
double  length  as  an  ou  diphthong,  approximately  as  in  American  so.  As 
in  the  case  of  the  indeterminate  e-i  vowel,  this  has  been  written  as  either 
o  or  u  according  to  the  auditory  impression  received. 

e  Indeterminate  vowel  found  in  Migueleno  in  rapid  speech;  related  to 
Antoniano  a. 

Summary : 

I  u 

180 

e  a 

e  a 

QUANTITY 

Consonantal  quantity  is  of  small  importance  in  Salinan,  and  it  is 
dubious  whether  or  not  it  exists.     Vocalic  quantity  is  marked  and 
inherent  in  the  stem?  and  particles.     Such  doubled  length  is  repre- 
sented by  a  raised  period  following  the  vowel,  as : 
a- 

NASALIZATION 

Vocalic  nasalization  plays  an  unimportant  part  and  is  found  only 
in  connection  with  a  nasal  consonant.  It  is  apparently  more  marked 
in  the  case  of  m  than  of  n,  but  is  naturally  not  consummated  in  the 
case  of  surd  nasals.  It  is  never  very  marked  in  character,  but  is 
possibly  more  evident  in  the  Migueleno  dialect.  It  is  denoted  by  a 
hook  under  the  vowel  thus  affected  (iota  subscript),  as: 
a 

VOICELESS  VOWELS 

Vowels  become  unvoiced,  or  nearly  unvoiced,  in  Salinan  when  final 
in  a  sentence  or  when  following  an  aspiration.  A  different  but  nearly 
indistinguishable  phenomenon  is  found  when  an  aspiration,  though 
not  truly  a  vowel,  assumes  the  tinge  of  the  preceding  vowel.  Voiceless 
vowels  appear  to  be  more  characteristic  of  Migueleno  than  of 
Antoniano.  They  are  distinguished  by  the  use  of  small  capital  char- 
acters, as: 

A 

Weakly  articulated  vowels  are  closely  related  to  voiceless  vowels, 
but  have  a  definite  sonant  resonance.  They  occur  in  the  same  positions 


1918]  Mason:  The  Language  of  the  Salinan  Indians  9 

as  voiceless  vowels,  and  the  difference  may  be  purely  fortuitous.    They 
are  represented  by  superscript  vowels  of  a  smaller  font,  as : 

Ptt 

ACCENT 

Stress  accent  is  quite  noticeable  in  Salinan,  and  appears  to  be 
inherent  in  the  roots  and  particles  and  inexplicable  by  any  rules. 
Frequently,  however,  a  word  bears  primary  and  secondary  stress 
accents  of  nearly  equal  force  which  may  be  confused.  Primary  stress 
accent  is  denoted  by  an  acute  accent  mark,  secondary  accent  by  a  grave 
accent  mark  after  the  vowel  thus  stressed,  as: 

ft  »  A 

Pitch  accent  is  found,  but  is  not  of  morphological  significance;  it 
is  likewise  inherent  in  certain  syllables,  generally  of  particles  and 
grammatical  elements.  Thus  the  proclitic  tarn,  "then",  and  the 
enclitic  ten,  "again",  generally  bear  an  inflection  of  a  slightly  higher 
pitch.  Such  is  marked  by  an  acute  accent  mark  over  the  vowel,  as : 
a 

It  appears  to  be  more  characteristic  of  the  Migueleno  dialect. 

Hesitation  in  the  flow  of  voice  and  in  general  any  interruption 
between  two  normally  connected  sounds  is  represented  by  a  period 
separating  these  elements,  as : 
a.i,  m.o 

This  is  frequently  indistinguishable  from  and  confused  with  a  weak 
glottal  stop. 

Aspiration,  when  distinct  from  or  weaker  than  the  aspirate  }i,  is 
denoted  by  a  reversed  superscript  comma,  as : 

M< 

• 

CONSONANTS 

The  general  rules  of  phonetic  orthography  employed  in  the  writing 
of  vowels  are  followed  also  with  consonants.  Thus  small  capitals  are 
used  for  the  voiceless  or  surd  forms  of  consonants  normally  voiced, 
and  superscript  characters  for  those  which  are  abnormally  weakly 
voiced. 

Semi-vowels  ' 
y,  Y,  w,  w     The  semi-vowels  w  and  y  are  both  employed. 

y  is  probably  always  a  resultant  from  an  i  glide  preceding  another 
vowel,  and  is  generally  initial  or  intervocalic;  it  is  rare.  The  voiceless 
Y  is  even  rarer. 

w  on  the  other  hand  appears  to  be  a  fundamental  sound,  the  occlusion 
being  firmer  than  with  the  vocalic  u.  The  voiceless  w  is  rare.  Both  w 
and  Y  appear  to  be  more  common  in  Migueleno. 


10  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 

Nasals 

m,  M,  n,  N,  i)  The  bilabial  and  the  linguo-dental  nasals  are  frequent  in  Salinan 
but  the  palatal  nasal  is  rare  and  of  secondary  production,  n  is  very 
dental  in  place  of  articulation.  Final  m  and  less  frequently  n  often 
occur  with  simultaneous  glottal  occlusion;  in  such  position  they  are 
purely  sonant. 

Nasals  are  found  as  sonant,  partially  surd  and  entirely  surd.  It  is 
most  probable  that  these  are  merely  variations  from  one  fundamental 
sound  affected  by  phonetic  laws,  but  a  few  aberrant  forms  hint  that 
possibly  two  fundamental  elements  should  be  recognized.  In  intervocalic 
position  the  nasals  are  purely  sonant;  in  initial  position  the  kymograph 
records  show  them  to  be  frequently  unvoiced  during  a  large  part  of  the 
attack;  in  final  position  they  are  shown  to  be  unvoiced  during  the  latter 
half  of  the  occlusion.  As  members  of  consonantal  combinations  they  par- 
take of  the  nature  of  the  companion  sound,  being  sonant  when  in  com- 
bination with  another  sonant,  slightly  unvoiced  when  preceding  a  surd 
and  almost  entirely  unvoiced  when  following  a  surd,  particularly  an 
aspirate.  The  pure  surd  forms  are  very  rare  and  found  only  in  excep- 
tional conditions.  These  kymograph  results  are  compiled  from  records 
of  a  number  of  cases  but  the  individual  records  vary  greatly;  it  is 
difficult  to  find  any  two  exactly  alike. 

Laterals 

I,  L  The  lateral  /  sounds  are  articulated  in  practically  the  same  place  as  the 
English  I,  i.e.,  they  are  linguo-alveolars.  The  voiceless  form  seems, 
according  to  the  palatogram  records,  to  require  a  more  extensive  occlu- 
sion than  the  sonant.  In  final  position,  sonant  I  is  frequently  accom- 
panied by  a  simultaneous  glottal  stop. 

As  in  the  case  of  the  nasals,  two  forms  are  distinguished,  the  sonant 
and  the  surd,  with  intermediate  variants.  All  these  are  probably  deriva- 
ations  from  one  fundamental  element  through  the  operation  of  phonetic 
laws.  Thus  intervocalic  I  is  invariably  sonant,  as  is  medial  I  in  com- 
bination with  a  sonant.  All  other  cases  display  varying  amounts  of 
surdness  and  sonancy  with  the  exception  of  initial  L  before  a  surd  which 
is  purely  surd.  The  surd  character  generally  proves  less  by  experiment 
than  by  auditory  impression  and  the  same  is  true  of  other  elements  which 
vary  between  surd  and  sonant.  The  surd  character  may  possibly  be 
slightly  accentuated  in  the  Migueleno  dialect. 

Spirants 

<f>,  ft,  y,  s,  c,  x,  "h  The  voiceless  bilabial  spirant  0  and  its  voiced  correspondent  |3 
are  developed  from  the  intermediate  stop  p  in  rapid  speech.  <j>  develops 
when  p  is  followed  by  a  surd,  j8  when  it  is  followed  by  a  sonant  or  a 
vowel.  The  palatal  sonant  spirant  7  is  a  similar  development  from  the 
intermediate  stop  fc. 

The  linguo-dental  and  the  linguo-alveolar  sibilants  s  and  c  approxi- 
mate the  sounds  s  and  sh  in  English.  Palatograms  of  these  sounds  show 
a  slight  difference  in  place  of  articulation,  that  of  s  extending  a  little 
farther  forward  than  that  of  c.  There  is  probably  less  difference  between 
these  two  sounds  than  between  their  correspondents  in  English.  Both 


1918]  Mason:  The  Language  of  the  Salinan  Indians  11 

occur  only  as  surd  except  that  the  sonancy  of  a  contiguous  sound  may 
intrude  very  slightly  upon  them. 

The  palatal  spirant  x  has  been  frequently  confused  with  the  glottal 
spirant  h  or  ' .  x  appears  to  occur  more  often  with  nominal  and  verb 
stems  and  other  important  elements,  h  more  often  with  particles,  pronouns 
and  elements  of  lesser  importance,  x  is  articulated  rather  gutturally;  its 
harshness  is  most  accentuated  in  final  position,  less  in  initial  position, 
and  least  in  medial  position.  It  is  invariably  surd. 

Stops 

Stopped  consonants  are  found  in  Salinan  in  three  fundamental  varie- 
ties and  in  five  positions.  These  are:  intermediate  surd-sonant,  aspirate 
and  glottalized;  bilabial,  linguo-dental,  linguo-alveolar,  palatal  and  glottal. 
In  the  latter  position,  only  one  variety  is  possible.  The  intermediate  form 
furthermore  varies  as  sonant,  pure  intermediate  and  surd.  The  kymo- 
graph records  display  all  five  varieties.  In  the  case  of  the  sonants,  sound 
vibrations  commence  before  the  release  from  the  occlusion;  these  are 
rare.  In  the  case  of  the  intermediates  sonancy  commences  at  the  moment 
of  release.  With  the  surds,  sonancy  begins  an  appreciable  moment  after 
release,  during  the  rise  of  the  oral  needle.  In  the  case  of  aspirates 
sonancy  begins  after  a  marked  expulsion  of  breath,  at  the  crest  or  dur- 
ing the  fall  of  the  oral  needle.  In  the  case  of  glottalized  stops  the  glottis 
is  closed  at  the  time  of  oral  occlusion  and  the  larynx  raised  to  cause  a 
compression.  The  oral  occlusion  is  then  released,  causing  an  explosion 
of  the  compressed  air,  the  glottis  is  subsequently  released  and  voice  fol- 
lows. The  explosion,  though  very  marked  auditorily,  makes  little  impres- 
sion on  the  kymograph.  '  • 

b,  B,  p,  p* ,  p'  The  bilabial  stop  occurs  in  the  three  fundamental  and  two 
derived  forms  above  mentioned.  In  the  surd- sonant  forms  it  is  difficult 
to  decide  which  of  the  three  is  fundamental;  the  ear  hears  most  often 
unaspirated  surds  while  the  kymograph  detects  all  three  forms  with  a 
preponderance  of  intermediates.  Pure  sonant  &  has  been  found  only  in 
the  case  of  the  demonstrative  article  pe,  but  many  times  in  this  case, 
both  as  initial  and  intervocalic.  It  is  furthermore  frequently  reduced 
to  the  spirant  v.  But  other  records  detect  it  as  intermediate  or,  rarely, 
as  surd  in  identical  positions.  Eecords  of  all  other  words  show  either  inter- 
mediacy  or  surdness,  frequently  with  a  slightly  noticeable  hiatus  between 
release  and  sonancy.  In  final  position  the  kymograph  shows  no  release, 
though  the  ear  imagines  one;  the  occlusion  is  generally  long  and  firm. 
The  same  phenomenon  occurs  when  an  intermediate  stop  is  the  first 
member  of  a  consonantal  combination. 

The  symbol  B  (intermediate)  has  never  been  used  in  the  accompany- 
ing forms  and  texts,  the  symbol  b  (sonant)  but  rarely. 

The  aspirate  p<  is  normally  less  marked  than  in  English  but  occasionally 
as  much  so;  it  is  of  less  frequent  occurrence  than  the  unaspirated  surd. 
There  is  a  longer  hiatus  between  the  release  and  the  commencement  of 
sonancy  during  which  breath,  possibly  modified  by  glottal  stricture,  is 
released. 

The  glottalized  p'  is  the  explosive  articulation  common  to  many 
Pacific  Coast  languages.  It  is  not  frequent  in  Salman  nor  of  marked 
force,  except  in  emphatic  utterance. 


12  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  EtJin.     [Vol.14 

t,  t< ,  t'  In  the  linguo-dental  series  the  tip  of  the  tongue  is  pressed  against 
the  roots  of  the  teeth.  There  appear  to  be  no  sonants  and  marked  aspira- 
tion and  glottalized  forms  are  rare.  By  far  the  greater  number  of  cases 
are  intermediates  or  unaspirated  surds.  The  hiatus  following  the  glot- 
talized form  is  very  slight. 

r,  t,  P,  t'  The  linguo-alveolar  stop  is  one  found  in  many  Calif ornian  languages. 
The  place  of  articulation  is  slightly  more  alveolar  than  for  the  dental 
but  the  difference  is  caused  more  by  the  manner  of  release  than  by  place 
of  articulation.  The  occlusion  is  firmer  and  more  extensive,  the  release 
slower,  causing  a  semi-affricative  effect  approximating  tc  and  ty.  It  is 
practically  identical,  however,  with  the  English  combination  tr  but  more 
truly  affricative,  a  simple  sound.  The  sonant  variety  is  unknown  in  this 
position  also,  the  most  common  forms  being  the  intermediate  and  the 
unaspirated  surd. 

In  rapid  speech  in  initial  and  intervocalic  position,  this  form  is  fre- 
quently reduced  to  the  rolled  r.  In  the  former  case  this  is  as  in  English, 
untrilled,  the  tip  of  the  tongue  merely  approaching  the  roof  of  the  mouth, 
but  in  the  latter  case  there  is  a  single  flip  of  the  tongue  as  in  the  Spanish 
single  r.  The  palatogram  record  shows  the  typical  grooved  r  occlusion. 

The  other  varieties,  the  aspirate  and  the  glottalized  articulations, 
need  no  comment.  Both  are  pronounced  more  strongly  than  is  the  case 
with  the  dental  t. 

g,  Q,  Tc,  fc',  fc'  In  point  of  articulation  the  palatal  stops  are  approximately  the 
same  as  in  English,  but  may  be  a  little  more  guttural,  particularly  when 
preceding  a  back  vowel,  in  which  cases  q  was  sometimes  written  in  text. 

As  with  the  other  stops,  the  fundamental  varieties  are  intermediate, 
aspirate  and  glottalized.  But  as  with  the  bilabial  stop,  pure  sonants  and 
surds  are  also  found.  The  former  has  been  met  with  in  the  case  of  only 
one  particle,  but  frequently  in  this  ease,  that  of  the  particle  gas.  This 
is  always  heard  either  as  sonant  or  as  voiced  spirant.  All  other  cases  are 
either  intermediate  or  unaspirated  surd. 

The  aspirated  and  glottalized  forms  require  no  comment  except  that 
the  former  is  occasionally  reduced  to  the  spirant  x  under  favorable  condi- 
tions. They  are  not  forcibly  articulated. 

The  glottal  stop  is  of  a  rather  different  nature  from  the  other  stopped  con- 
sonants in  that  it  frequently  modifies  and  accompanies  them.  It  may 
occur  in  medial  or  final  position  or  simultaneously  with  certain  other 
consonants,  particularly  nasals  and  laterals,  but  is  never  initial.  In  final 
position  it  is  of  marked  strength,  but  less  so  medially.  Frequently  also 
it  occurs  simultaneously  with  a  vowel  in  which  case  the  vowel  is  weakly 
rearticulated  following  the  stop.  This  gives  a  strangulated  effect  to  the 
vowel.  Frequently  it  has  been  difficult  to  decide  whether  a  glottal  stop 
is  present  or  whether  there  is  merely  a  hiatus  which  should  be  expressed 
by  a  period. 

Affricatives 

ts,  ts<,  ts'  The  affricative  ts  is  found  most  frequently  in  the  glottalized  form, 
the  sibilant  following  the  stop  without  hiatus  and  before  the  release  of 
the  glottis.  As  such  it  is  very  marked.  It  may  also  occur  as  unaspirate 
and  aspirate  but  examples  are  few  and  equivocal. 


1918] 


Mason:  The  Language  of  tlie  Salinan  Indians 


13 


tc,  tc* ,  tc'  The  affricative  tc  is  less  common  than  ts  in  the  glottalized  form, 
and  is  less  forcibly  articulated.  It  occurs  most  commonly  as  surd  with 
slight  aspiration;  both  unaspirate  and  aspirate  have  been  written  but 
are  probably  variants  of  one  form. 


TABLE  OF  SALINAN  PHONETIC  SYSTEM 


Semi-vowel 

Sonant 

Surd 
Nasal 

Sonant 

Surd 
Lateral 

Sonant 

Surd 
Spirant 

Sonant 

Surd 
Stop 

Sonant 

Intermed.-surd 

Aspirate 

Glottalized 
Affricative 

Surd 

Glottalized 


Labial 

w 
w 

m 
M 


P 

P< 

P' 


Dental 


t 
t< 
t' 

ts 
ts' 


Alveolar 
7 

Y 


t 
t< 
t' 

tc 
tc: 


Palatal 


Glottal 


k 
k< 
k' 


PHONETIC  PROCESSES 

Phonetic  processes  on  the  whole  are  not  of  great  importance  in 
Salinan,  and  the  few  found  seem  to  be  more  or  less  sporadic  and  not 
amenable  to  formulated  rules. 

VOCALIC  ASSIMILATION 

The  stem  vowels  of  certain  words  undergo  a  modification  and 
change  in  inflection  and  conjugation,  apparently  not  in  accordance 
with  any  rule,  as : 

with  possessive  prefix 

with  2  plural  possessive 

with  possessive  (S)11 

with  possessive 

(S) 

plural 

with  possessive 

(M) 

11  (S)  denotes  data  taken  from  Sitjar's  Vocabulary;  (A)  Antoniano  dialect; 
(M)  Migueleno  dialect;  when  not  otherwise  noted,  forms  are  from  the  dialect 
of  San  Antonio. 


t-a-m 

house 

t-e-m 

-om 

-im 

akata 

blood 

ekata 

a-xak 

bone 

exak 

xutcai 

dog 

xosten 

-itco 

t-cik 

knife 

t-ca-k 

14  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 

The  initial  vowel  of  stems  commencing  in  a  vowel  is  ordinarily 
assimilated  or  contracted  to  the  vowel  of  the  prefixed  pronominal 
possessive.  Thus  in  the  second  person  plural  the  stem  vowel  is  assim- 
ilated to  0: 


t-a-m 

house 

t-e-mo 

his  house 

t<  k-omhaL 

your  houses 

epxo 

his  mother 

t'k-opex 

your  mother 

tm-itax 

thy  urine 

tok-otax 

your  urine 

tm-ik  'es 

thy  robe 

t'k-ok'es 

your  robe 

t-a-k  'at 

wood 

tk-o-k  'at 

your  wood 

Occasionally  similar  changes  are  found  with  other  prefixes,  as : 

t-itol  brother  t-atol  our  brother 

ek-o  father  tm-ik  thy  father 

t-iken  nest  oken  nest?    (interrog.) 

m-icim  drink!  k-ostem  drink!  (pi.) 

«•  tit-acim  to  drink 

SYNCOPE 

Syncope  is  commonly  employed  in  Salinan.  An  unaccented  short 
vowel  frequently  is  so  reduced  as  to  be  practically  or  entirely  non- 
existent. It  is  difficult  to  determine  except  by  mechanical  experi- 
mentation whether  the  vowel  is  entirely  lost  or  only  abbreviated. 
After  an  aspirate  it  generally  becomes  a  surd  vowel,  in  other  cases 
weakly  articulated  or  entirely  lost.  Some  examples  are : 

spanat  hide  sapanto  its  hide 

awaten  flies  awatneL  flies 

t-opinito  fat  t-upento  fat 

t-icok'alo  ear  t-ick'olo  ear 

sukaMo  lungs  skoilo  lungs 

The  majority  of  cases  of  syncope  are  of  the  vowels  e  and  i. 

KEDUPLICATION 

Morphological  reduplication  is  absent,  but  lexical  reduplication  is 
found  in  certain  cases,  principally  with  animate  nouns.  Such  are : 

tc  'emtcem  bat 

tciktcik  fish-hawk 

tsintsin  sand 

nene'  grandmother 

tata  father 

ONOMATOPOEIA 

Stems  of  onomatopoetic  nature  are  rare  and  are  confined  to  names 
of  animals  with  a  characteristic  cry,  as : 

tciktcik  fish-hawk 

kak'a  crow 


lemem' 

bee 

elmi  'm 

leat' 

duck  (M) 

elpat  ' 

cik'nai 

fish-spear 

sk  'in-ai 

simtan 

children   (S) 

sme-ten 

lice 

winter,    year 

elci'taneL 

1918]  Mason :  The  Language  of  the  Salinan  Indians  15 

METATHESIS 

Metathesis,  although  of  rather  frequent  occurrence  in  Salinan,  is 
probably  of  secondary  nature.  The  majority  of  cases  are  of  the  initial 
syllable  le. 

bee  (S) 
duck  (M) 
fish-hook 
children    (M) 
years 

DISSIMILATION 

Dissimilation  is  practically  negligible  in  Salinan.  But  one  case 
was  noted: 

mamampik          pull  it  out!  kamant'apik  pull  them  out! 

The  occasional  reduction  of  stops  to  spirants  has  already  been 
noted  under  the  head  of  phonetics,  p  is  reduced  to  v  and  p(  to  /; 
k  to  y  and  kr  to  x. 

ELISION 

A  few  cases  of  elision  have  been  found  which  might  better  be  inter- 
preted as  the  reappearance,  when  in  expanded  form,  of  a  lost  final 
consonant.  Thus  a  final  nasalized  vowel  will  be  expanded  to  vowel 
plus  n. 

ketca-'  great  tiketca'no  his  size 

Similarly  the  final  p  of  a  stem  in  the  Migueleno  dialect,  which  is 
normally  lost  or  replaced  by  a  glottal  stop  in  the  Antoniafio  form, 
frequently  reappears  in  the  latter  dialect  when  the  stem  is  expanded. 

ticxe'xe'  feet  ticxe-ple'to  their  feet 

tcxa'  stone  tcxa'paneL  stones 


PHONETIC  DIFFERENCES  IN  DIALECT 

At  the  present  time  the  Salinan  language  is  spoken  in  two  slightly 
variant  dialects,  mutually  intelligible  on  short  acquaintance,  but  it  is 
probable  that  the  former  divisions  of  the  stock  were  different.12  The 
few  surviving  members  of  the  stock  have  intermarried  to  such  an 
extent  that  no  purity  can  be  claimed  for  either  dialect.  Dr.  H.  W. 
Henshaw  was  informed  in  1884  that  only  five  natives  spoke  the  San 
Antonio  dialect  in  its  purity,  the  speech  of  the  others  being  more  or 
less  tinged  with  the  characteristics  of  the  Migueleno  idiom.  Never- 


12  Ethnology,  p.  104. 


16  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Etlm.     [Vol.  14 

theless  certain  regular  differences  may  be  determined  by  a  study  of 

the  forms  of  the  dialects  in  bulk. 

The  general  phonetic  differences  of  the  dialects  have  already  been 

noted ;  the  probable  greater  harshness  of  Migueleno  and  the  use  of  the 

indeterminate  vowel  8  being  the  most  evident. 

The  most  striking  lexical  divergence  between  the  two  groups  is 

that  a  p  in  Migueleno,  in  any  possible  position,  is  frequently  lost  in 

Antoniano  or  replaced  by  a  glottal  stop.     A  few  of  many  examples 

are: 

Antoniano  Migueleno 

ac  elk  p  'ac 

a'kata  blood  pakata 

axa'k  bone  paxa'k 

at'  oak  p'at' 

as  son  p  'as 

tcxa '  stone  cxap 

ka'  acorn  k'ap' 

tits' e"wu  tail  (his)  t-its'e"p 

t'icele"  fingernail  icilip 

ticxe"wu  foot  (his)  ticxe'p 

taa' '  deer  taa'  'p 

sa'nat'  hide  spanat 

lea't '  duck  elpa't ' 

t'a"ak  head  to'paka 

ta'ai'  ashes  top'ai 

But: 

epxo  mother  (his)  e'xo' 

The  Migueleno  final  p  frequently  reappears  as  w  in  the  Antoniano 
form  of  the  3d  singular  possessive,  as  shown  in  two  of  the  above 
examples.  Its  reappearance  as  p  has  already  been  noted  (p.  15). 

Stems  in  Antoniano  frequently  possess  a  final  a  not  found  in  the 
Migueleno  forms.  Whether  the  latter  have  lost  an  original  final  vowel 
or  the  former  added  a  suffix  is  not  apparent. 

Antoniano  Migueleno 

ta-ma"  men  ta-m 

le'ma  sky  lem 

pena'na  milk  pena'n 

to-'kena  day  to-'ken 

tuipe'ya  raft,  boat  tuwipe' 

tapleya  fire-drill  teneple' ' 

tcala  blackbird  teal 

But: 

t'a."ak  head  to'paka 


1918]  Mason:  The  Language  of  the  Salman  Indians  17 

Antoniafio  forms  occasionally  possess  a  final  n,  missing  in 
Migueleno,  as: 

awa-'ten  fly  a-we-te' 

stan '  leaf  sta 

k'enin  acorn  bread  k'one' 

saiya'n  rainbow  saiya-pa ' 

All  of  these  forms  are  more  or  less  doubtful. 

An  intervocalic  n  frequently  disappears  in  Antoniano,  as : 

sam'  cat,  lynx  snam 

sai'yu  eagle  snai 

tekalt  eggs  tetek-neL 

taple'ya  fire-drill  teneple' ' 

Practically  every  stem  differs  in  some  characteristic  in  the  two 
dialects,  but  these  differences  seem  to  be  generally  irregular  and  not 
amenable  to  or  explicable  by  any  rule.  Even  those  given  above  are 
more  or  less  problematical,  and,  with  the  exception  of  the  frequent 
loss  of  the  Migueleno  p,  all  seem  to  be  contradicted  by  as  many  or 
more  exceptions  than  examples. 


18  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 


PART  II.  MORPHOLOGY 

In  general  characteristics  Salinan  bears  a  superficial  resemblance 
to  certain  Calif ornian  languages,  but  differs  radically  from  the  syn- 
thetic languages  of  certain  other  parts  of  North  America.  Its  most 
striking  feature  is  its  apparent  irregularity  combined  with  compara- 
tive morphological  simplicity.  It  is  with  the  greatest  difficulty  that 
any  given  element  is  isolated  and  assigned  a  definite  idea.  In  its 
irregularity  and  comparative  simplicity  it  gives  an  impression  very 
much  like  the  English,  that  of  a  language  which  has  become  simplified 
and  lost  much  of  its  grammatical  mechanism,  and  which  in  this  process 
has  achieved  considerable  irregularity. 

There  is  on  the  whole  an  absence  of  the  polysynthesis  characteristic 
of  many  American  languages;  most  of  the  different  elements  of 
language  are  denoted  by  means  of  independent  words  and  the  nominal 
and  verbal  complexes  are  comparatively  simple.  The  great  mass  of 
diverse  sentiments  are  expressed  by  independent  roots  of  restricted 
meaning  rather  than  by  a  modification  of  roots  of  rather  vague  signi- 
fication by  means  of  etymological  and  grammatical  particles. 

The  various  morphological  processes  are  accomplished  by  means 
of  prefixes,  suffixes,  and  infixes. 

ETYMOLOGY 

The  usual  Salinan  root  may  consist  of  any  number  of  syllables  of 
any  phonetic  constitution.  The  normal  root  is  confined  to  one  of  the 
several  parts  of  speech,  as  noun,  verb,  adjective,  pronoun,  adverb,  or 
particle.  Others  may  function  in  two  or  more  categories,  generally 
by  reason  of  slight  changes  in  form  by  means  of  suffixation  of  etymo- 
logical elements. 

NOMINALIZING  SUFFIXES 

Verb  stems  are  nominalized  by  the  suffixation  of  certain  ele- 
ments, as: 

1.  -i,  (M..,  wci),  nominalizing ,  abstract. 

met'ik-i'  race  k-mit'ik  run 

ti-kauw-i  sleep  kau  sleep 

kVL-i'  a  fight  k'a'aL-a'  fight 

p-eta-k-i' '  the  making  p-eta'  'ko  make 


1918] 


Mason:  The  Language  of  the  Salinan  Indians 


19 


ts  'en-l-i' 

amusements 

k-ts'e-n-u' 

enjoy 

lam-a-i' 

food 

k-lam 

eat 

lam-a-u"wi 

food  (M) 

t-ici-wei 

draught    (M) 

k-ici-m 

drink 

yete-we" 


earthquake    (M)    yi'te'e 


t-oxoyota/i'        life   (M) 


k-o'xoyo-ta-p' 


quake 
live 


This  is  probably  the  same  as  an  abstract  nominalizing  suffix  given 
frequently  by  Sit  jar  as  ya  or  y'a. 

t 'upint-e'y 'a       corpulence  topinit-o  fat 

tipn-iy'a  pain  (in  abstract)  tipin  pain 

t-anim-ike'ya      pardon  k-anem  give  pardon 

t-akc-uwa"yu      his  thirst  k-akc-a'  be  thirsty 

t-alil-k-e'ya          question  p-ale'1-ek  ask 

t-atsintc-ey 'a      unction  k-atsintc-a  anoint 


When  suffixed  to  adjectival  stems  the  particle  appears  in  the  form 
of  -ni'. 

xumo.-ni'  quarrel  (M)  xomo  quarrelsome,   mean 

ts'ep-ha-ni"        thanks  ts'ep  good 


2.  -te,  -tee,  -a-tc'e,  agentive. 

ki'-kau-yel-a-tc'e'  great  sleepers 

ke'  '-kau-iy-a-'tce 

k-licxai-t  'ic 

k-icim-te 

k-amt'a--tce 

k-amt'  i-t-cwan 

k'-malox-a-'tce 


kau 


sleep 


sleeper 

rain-maker 

licxai 

rain 

drinker 

icim 

drink 

hunter 

amte 

hunt 

fisher 

amte-cwan 

hunt  fish 

jumper 

malox 

jump 

Another  but  rarer  agentive  form  seems  to  be : 

3.  -mak,  agentive. 

robber 
speakers 


k-atcen-mak 
k-ac-tel-m-il-ak 
k<  -La'm-m-a-il-ak' 


eaters 


aten 

as 

lam 


rob 

speak 

eat 


Other  apparent  nominalizing  etymological  suffixes,   examples  of 
which  are  not  sufficiently  frequent  to  warrant  classification,  are : 


ta-lam-xat 

food 

lam 

eat 

pa-xat  ' 

dance 

pa--ka,  pa-ta 

dance 

t-a-'s-e-tiL 

language 

as 

speak 

ti-kak-eL 

song 

ka-k  'a 

sing 

t-eta'  '"k-OL 

fire-drill 

eta'  'ak-o 

make,  do 

t-itsipx-aiut  'i 

rebirth   (S) 

etseipex 

be  born 

macal-a'k 

morning  star 

maca-L 

burn 

maeal-e' 

flames 

moce" 

charcoal 

20 


University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.      [Vol.  14 


Other  miscellaneous  and  occasional  suffixes  are  affixed  to  nouns 
and  modify  their  sense  in  various  ways ;  some  of  them  might  be  inter- 
preted differently  had  we  more  complete  data.  Thus  certain  cases 
may  really  be  examples  of  nominal  stem  composition,  the  combination 
of  two  nominal  stems. 


t-ema-i-c 

village,  rancheria 

t-ema 

house 

cxap-alat 

pebble 

cxap 

stone 

skoi-kne'ya 

beard 

sxkoi'  ' 

beard 

sul-at 

animal's  testicles 

sol 

testicles 

cowa-to 

poison  of  snake 

cowa 

skunk. 

hu.-ma't'aL-ta 

white  people 

ma't<  ai> 

white 

kesiyu'k-La 

sweetness 

kesiyu'k' 

sweet 

t'o.l 

heap 

t'oi 

mountain 

lua-nelo 

slave 

lua 

man 

lua-nilayo 

overseer 

lua 

man 

t-icxe-xe' 

tracks 

t-icxe 

foot 

skan-iltai 

rib 

skan 

belly 

axak-elteya 

rheumatism 

axak 

bone 

ti-tca-wen 

foam 

tea 

water 

ti-cxo-kutcin 

mud 

ca-tole 

dew 

VERBALIZING  SUFFIXES 

Certain  elements  are  occasionally  suffixed  to  nominal  stems  to 
change  them  to  verbs  which  predicate  actions  or  conditions  intimately 
connected  with  the  sense  of  the  nominal  stem.  There  are  two  im- 
portant and  unequivocal  suffixes  of  this  class  as  well  as  several  more 
or  less  uncertain. 

A  suffix  of  not  absolutely  definite  significance  appears  to  denote 
possession  of  the  noun,  or  to  predicate  the  action  or  condition  ex- 
pressed by  it.  It  may  possibly  be  akin  to  the  abstractive  prefix  no.  1. 

4.  -e,  4,  possessive,  attributive. 
k<  -sotopn-e          have  a  guardian 
k'-co'wa-n-i         catch  fish 
k<  tsaxel-e  snow 


(?) 


tc'umya-1-e' 
ts  'a'k<  aiy-e 
k-akat-e 
k  '-epx-ai 
k'-ek-e-l-e 

The  particle  is  found  frequently  in  Sit  jar: 

akut-k'at-e          not  grassy  k'at 

ke-teka'lt-e         have  eggs  -tekalet 


sotopen-o 

guardian 

cwa-n 

fish 

tsa'xeL 

snow 

tc  'umyeL 

ice 

ts  'a'k'  ai 

wind 

akata 

blood 

epax 

mother 

ek 

father 

grass 
egg 


litse-we-ko 

marry  a  woman 

litse 

luwa-we 

marry  a  man 

luwa 

k-lua-ni 

marry  a  man 

lua 

lewa-sai'-ni 

married  man 

se 

1918]  Mason:  The  Language  of  the  Salinan  Indians  21 

The  suffixes  -we  and  -ni,  of  which  examples  are  given  below,  evi- 
dently carry  a  similar  signification  and  probably  are  related. 

woman 

man 

man 

wife 

The  second  suffix  predicates  the  manufacture  of  the  noun  thus 
qualified. 

5.  -te,  -tene,  -ate,  manufacture. 

ke-seZfco-te-ne  make  a  fence  selko  fence  (Sp.  cerca) 

(ke-selJc-ne) 

k<  -co-'luk'-te-ne  make  holes  co.'luk'  holes 

m-isxa-'te-L  urinate!  t-isxaiL  urine 

hek-upint-ate  I  fatten  myself  upinit  fat 

A  few  other  cases  of  apparent  verbalizing  etymological  suffixes, 
taken  principally  from  Sitjar,  are: 

head 

fat 

pinenuts 

meeting 
genitals 
branches 
wife 


ADJECTIVIZING  SUFFIXES 

A  few  cases  have  been  found  in  which  suffixes  appear  to  form 
adjectives  from  nominal  or  other  stems: 

taka-lau  capable  taka-t  trade,  work 

k-exak-op  bony  axak  bone 

NOMINAL  ETYMOLOGICAL  PREFIXES 

Several  elements  of  definite  meaning  are  prefixed  to  nominal  stems 
and  qualify  their  meaning;  it  is  possible  that  these  are  petrified  ex- 
amples of  nominal  stem  composition: 

6.  tee-,  ce-,  cte-,  old,  aged. 

ctelu-wa"  old  man  lu-wa"  man 

tcilu-wai"  old  man  (M)  lu-wai"  man 

eelte"  old  woman  litse"  woman 

tcene"  old  woman   (M)  lene"  woman 


taa'k-a 

nod 

t<a."k-o 

k-upint-emak 

eat  fat 

t-upinit 

tarn 

hunt  pinenuts 

to 

to-we 

fetch  pinenuts 

timuy-ak 

convene 

timuy-o 

sol-eko 

feel  genitals 

sol 

ke-cetene-no 

fetch  branches 

cetene 

sen-eu 

marry  a  woman 

sen 

saiyan-emo 

marry  a  woman 

22  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 

7.  il-,  1-,  seasonal. 

ilpal,  LpaL  spring   (summer) 

line',  il-e'  summer 

ilka-p  autumn 

iltee  winter 

A  few  other  sporadic  cases  have  been  found  which  may  be  inter- 
preted either  as  unusual  prefixes  or,  probably  more  truly,  as  examples 
of  stem  composition : 

tetsas-kap  acorn-meal  kap  acorn 

tne-paku  upper  arm  puku  arm 

ma-poko  thigh  puku  arm 

we-lak'  world  lak'  ground,  land 

GRAMMATICAL  STRUCTURE 

NOUN  AND  VEEB 

As  with  every  language,  the  important  parts  of  Salinan  speech  are 
the  noun  and  the  verb.  These  are  never  combined  as  with  many 
American  languages,  and  the  stems  are  normally  different  and  unre- 
lated. Those  cases  in  which  nominal  and  verbal  stems  are  connected 
have  already  been  considered  under  etymology.  Neither  nouns  nor 
verbs  are  subjected  to  a  great  amount  of  morphological  modification 
and  inflection.  On  the  contrary,  the  majority  of  inflections,  declension, 
and  conjugation  are  expressed  by  means  of  independent  adverbs  and 
particles.  The  stem  is  modified  in  very  few  directions,  but  these  are 
for  the  most  part  very  fundamental  and  frequent,  affecting  practically 
every  stem. 

Plural 

One  of  the  most  striking  peculiarities  of  Salinan  is  the  development 
of  the  plural.  Every  noun,  verb,  and  adjective  must  display  in  its 
form  its  number,  the  plural  of  the  verb  conveying  ordinarily  the  idea 
of  repetition  as  frequentative  or  iterative,  and  frequently  implying 
plurality  of  the  pronominal  subject  or  object. 

The  methods  of  plural  formation  fall  into  several  different  types, 
but  the  details  are  very  variant  and  almost  inexplicable.  The  two 
principal  methods  are  by  suffixes  and  by  infixes.  As  subdivisions  may 
be  differentiated  the  various  elements  employed,  which  are,  generally 
speaking,  composed  of  one  or  more  of  the  three  elements  t,  n,  and  I. 

The  majority  of  stems  permit  of  but  one  plural  form,  and  it  seems 
to  be  impossible  to  determine  which  of  the  many  types  of  plural 
formation  any  given  stem  will  follow.  But  certain  other  stems  permit 


1918]  Mason:  The  Language  of  the  Kalinan  Indians  23 

of  several  different  forms,  according  to  the  several  types  of  plural. 
It  is  probable  that  each  of  them  carries  a  slightly  different  significance, 
such  as  distributive  and  iterative,  but  it  has  not  been  possible  to 
differentiate  them  according  to  meaning.  Thus  the  following  plural 
forms  of  one  stem,  claimed  to  be  of  identical  meaning,  were  given : 

ta-m  house  tama-'neL 

tamelax 
ta-ma-ten 
temhal 
ta-ma-tenax 
ta-ma-niLax 
tamaNiLten 

exoxo'  brain  exoxa'lax 

exotenax 
exoten 

icxe-'u  foot  icxepa-'l 

icxe'xe ' 
icxe-ple't 

Similar  varied  plural  forms  are  found  with  certain  verbal  stems, 
though  possibly  in  less  degree: 

a-m(k)  kill,  be  able  a-mkNe"lk 

a-mt  'elik 
a-mxot'e 

amaue  guard,  preserve  amaulic 

amaucelte 
amaucelayo 

Most  of  these  varied  forms  are  from  Sit  jar,  suggesting  that  the 
different  classes  of  plural  formerly  had  an  active  functional  value, 
but  that  these  have  now  become  lost  or  static,  resulting  in  great  irreg- 
ularity. An  insight  is  given  into  the  solution  of  the  problem  by  the 
following  excerpt  from  Sit  jar : 

kaxo'-ta  A  man  hunts  an  animal 

kaxo'-ten  A  man  hunts  many    animals 

kaxo-to'ta  Many  men  hunt  an   animal 

kaxo'-nilet  Many  men  hunt  many  animals 

The  various  types  of  plural  formation  with  their  elements  are : 

8.  -ten,  iterative  plural. 

The  suffix  -ten  possibly  should  not  be  regarded  as  a  true  plural, 
but  generally  functions  as  such.  Suffixed  to  either  nouns  or  verbs,  it 
means  "another",  "again",  and  evidently  carries  an  iterative  sig- 
nificance. In  the  example  given  just  above  from  Sitjar  it  denotes 
plurality  of  object  and  singularity  of  subject,  one  of  the  phases  of  the 


24  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am,  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 

iterative,  but  examples  taken  from  linguistic  texts  do  not  support  this 

explanation.     This  particle  generally  carries  a  slightly  raised  pitch 
accent,  -ten.    Thus : 

wa'kit  wakit-ten  frogs 

a'xa-k  a'xa-k-ten  bones 

tatcuaniL  tatcuaniL-ten  stars 

ketca  ketca-ten  big 

Jcristia'no  Jcristiano-ten  Christians 

ta-sko'mcuka''yi'k-ten      but  do  not  tread  again 
k'al-ten-a  we  will  fight  again 

p<  cola/tko-ten  he  treed  him  again 

ta-'mulox-ten  he  jumped  again 

When  other  nominal  suffixes  or  inflections  are  used  with  this  plural 
the  plural  sign  precedes  such  endings,  as : 

kotos-na  kotos-ten-na  noises 

oxot-o  oxot-ten-o  his  testicles 

Two  other  pluralizing  suffixes  are  evidently  akin  to  the  suffix  -ten: 
-tenax  and  -tenat.  These  are  used  solely  with  nominal  forms,  and 
principally  with  names  of  animals.  They  occur  rarely. 

9.  -tenax,  nominal  plural. 

taiL-tenax  fleas 

tamuL-tenax  pumas  • 

10.  -tenat,  nominal  plural. 

map  '-tenat  rabbits 

ska-k  '-tenat  crows 

as-tenat  elks 

Lk  'a' -tenat  coyotes 

lua  '-tenat  males 

tama-tenat  men 

asak-tenat  flints 

ts  'akai'-tenat  winds 

A  large  class  of  nouns,  many  apparently  irregular,  form  their 
plurals  by  the  suffixation  or  infixation  of  a  particle  containing  an  n 
element,  frequently  also  with  a  t  element,  and  probably  related  to  -ten. 

xutc  xosten  dogs 

celte  sle-ten  old  women 

tcini'  tcinten  old  women 

saxe  saxtin  birds 

simla'  sem  'ta'n  boys 

litse"  le-tse-n  women 

lene"  le'ntsen  women  (M) 

t'o-s  t'os-en  brothers 


1918]  Mason:  The  Language  of  the  Salinan  Indians  25 

t-etiya  t-etiyen  arrows 

ts'axe'L  ts'ax-an-eL  snows 

tcumieL  tcumi-an-eL  ices 

kiyo'te '  kiyo't-n-e '  shake 

ko'yi '  ko't<  ne  reply 

The  plural  suffix  -lax  is  also  used  solely  with  nouns  or  adjectives. 
Like  -ten,  it  is  of  very  frequent  occurrence. 

11.  -lax,  nominal  plural. 

tepen-lax-o  his  belly 

topoi-lax-o  his  knees 

ketpoi-lax  cedars 

ts  'open-lax  spiders 

ke  '-kau-iatce-lax  sleepers 

k<  pat  '-lax  hard 

kesiyuk  '-lax  sweet 

Occasionally  -ax  is  used  alone.    Compare  the  -ax  of  -ten-ax. 

i  'katn-ax-o        .  anuses 

k'-ts'ep-ax  good 

Another  very  common  class  of  plural  suffixes  is  that  ending  in  -el. 
There  are  several  varieties  of  this  suffix. 

12.  -el,  -ne^,  -anei*,  -nanei>,  -teij,  plural, 
-el  alone  is  comparatively  rare. 

tcak-el  knives 

smat-el  beautiful 

A  far  more  common  suffix  is  -weL : 

elk  'a-neL  coyotes 

tik'e-neL  lice 

telek-nel-o  their  mouths 

tetalak-nel-o  his  horns 

at-neL  acorns 

apek-nel-op  good 

-ane~L  is  probably  a  phonetic  variation  of  the  above : 

t'elow'-a'NeL  storms 

titol-anel  brothers 

saiy-aneL  eagles 

tcxap-anel  stones 

-nanei>  is  occasional : 

eskaiya-naneL  raccoons 

toolec-naneL  squirrels 

cumk  'om-o-naneL  squirrels 


26  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 

-teLt  is  occasional: 

to-'kena-teL  days 

smakai-ya-teL  nights 

ka'-teL  acorns 

Apparent  phonetic  irregularities  in  the  use  of  this  suffix  are : 

tepaL  tepa  'neL  tongues 

ta'kat  tak  'aneL  sticks 

toxo  toxo-lanel  wolves 

taasx-o  taasx-aknel-o  livers 

lice'  elci'-tanel  winters 

akata  akat-nel-o  bloods 

taa' '  taa'-tneL  deer 

at'  at-nelat  acorns 

ka '  ka-t<  -nelat'  oaks 

Many  verbs  also  form  their  plurals  by  the  addition  of  a  suffix 
which  contains  the  element  I;  these  forms  are  undoubtedly  related  to 
the  nominal  plural  forms  in  -el.  The  vowel  of  this  verbal  suffix  is  very 
variable. 

kac-il  sit  down 

ka'mes-il  call 

kaiya-L  go 

lam-x-al  eat 

yom-al  see 

pamat'-el  chase  off 

A  probably  related  element  is  the  suffix  -let,  containing  the  same 
sound  I;  it  is  found  most  frequently  with  nouns,  occasionally  with 
verbs. 

13.  -let,  -elet,  plural. 

topok-let-o  his  arms 

exak-let  bones 

sk'ot-elet  serpents 

ticok 'al-et-o  his  ears 

itol-ilete  brothers 

tipxat-elt-o  his  entrails 

k  'wak-elt-a  long 

kak  '-elt-a  sing 

Seeming  irregularities  in  the  use  of  plural  suffixes  involving  the 
element  I  are : 

mat'-elak  animals,  meats 

t-icxe-p-lip  feet 

Probably  related  to  the  suffixes  in  I  are  the  pluralizing  infixes  in 
-1-.  These  are  found  more  commonly  with  verbs,  less  often  with  nouns. 


1918]  Mason:  The  Language  of  the  Salinan  Indians  27 

The  element,  generally  in  combination  with  a  vowel,  is  interpolated 
within  the  apparent  stem  of  the  word,  generally  before  the  final  vowel 
or  before  the  last  syllable. 

14.  -1-,  41-,  -el-,  -al-,  plural. 

texiwaiy-o  texiw-il-aiy-o  their  hearts 

ts  'waketi' '  ts  'waket-il-i '  hats 

hak'i  hak'-el-i  bows 

makawi' '  makaw-il-i '  flowers 

katcenmak  katcenm-il-ak  robbers 

k<  pat  'ak  k<  pat  '-il-ak  dancers 

kLe'  'tax  kLe'  't-al-ax  sharp 

takat  tak-el-at-o  trades 

t-al-akat-o  (S) 

kaua  kau-l-a  be  robust 

ka-set  ka-s-il-e  name 

katsintca  katsinte-el-a  anoint 

k'aLi'  k'al-el-i'  fight 

xata  xat-L-a  weep 

k'mit'ik  k'mit'-L-ik  run 

Judging  from  Sit  jar's  example  above  quoted,  it  would  seem  that 
this  element  denotes  plurality  of  subject  and  object.  Other  examples 
refute  this  hypothesis.  Minor  irregularities  in  the  use  of  the  -I-  infix 
are: 

ke'o  ke-la'-o  knuckles 

epeselet  epesel-elm-et  enemies 

inexa'  ine-lk-xa  parents 

anemtak  anem-til-tak  pardon 

komop  kom-ol-op  finish 

k  'aLa  k  'aL-el-a-'kot  fight 

paitceko  paitc-ilt-eko  visit 

The  iterative  phase  is  most  commonly  expressed  by  the  infix  -t-, 
generally  with  accompanying  vowel.  As  in  the  case  of  -1-,  it  is  normally 
interposed  before  the  final  vowel  or  syllable  of  the  stem.  It  is  found 
with  both  nouns  and  verbs,  but  far  more  frequently  with  the  latter. 
It  is  very  common.  Sit  jar's  example  above  quoted  would  seem  to 
suggest  that  this  infix  denotes  plurality  of  subject  with  singularity  of 
object.  Certain  other  examples  dispute  this,  as,  for  instance : 
pa'le'ltko  he  asked  them  several  times 

15.  -t-,  -te-,  iterative  plural. 

kola'le'  kola-t-Le'  penises 

teteyini' '  teteyi-ti-nai  arrows 

kaxap  kaxa-te-p  corpse,  dead 

tikelele  tikelil-t-e  round 


28  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 


kwi'le  ' 

kwi'1-t-e' 

straight 

kma'lox 

kma'1-t-ox 

jump 

ma- 

ma-tele  ' 

carry 

kco'lukne 

kco'luk-te-ne 

make  holes 

mamampik 

kaman-t  'a-pik 

take  out 

anem 

ane-te-m 

remain 

tas-il-o 

tas-t-il-o 

names 

pale  'Iko 

pa'le  '1-t-ko 

inquire 

In  a  few  cases 

,  principally  of  nouns, 

the  plural  is  formed  by  the 

infixation  of  an  aspirate  -h-,  frequently 

with  repetition  of  the  stem 

vowel. 

16.  -h-,  plural. 

t-a'  'k-o 

t-ahak-o 

heads 

to-le't-o 

le'het 

teeth 

me'n-o 

mehen-o 

hands 

sokent-o 

sukehenet 

eyes 

kau 

kaxau 

sleep 

k-na'ye  ' 

k-na'hye  ' 

yank  away 

k-La'm-aiyak                  k-Lam-ahyak 

eaters 

Plurals  which 

apparently  follow  none 

of  the  above  categories  are  : 

t-e-nt-o 

xenet 

teeth 

taken 

ta'nta 

shamans 

lua 

lua-yato 

males  (S) 

tciluai 

cteluai 

old  men  (M) 

steluwa  ' 

steluwi' 

old  men   (A) 

koiyakten-o 

lokoiyini 

beards 

sla' 

sla'at 

basket 

istau  " 

iskunta'm 

girls 

stexa  ' 

senta'n 

boys 

Tcuwaiyo 

kuyata 

horses 

ats-o 

its-ak-o 

presas   (S). 

titcu.-o 

titeu-ak-o 

breasts  (S) 

atcaka 

atcakoi 

times(  S) 

kLa 

kLapat 

broken 

ts  'epen 

ts  'epeyitini 

small 

k<tai 

•     k<  taiyai 

stink 

liyax 

litax 

shoot 

m-icim 

k-ostem 

drink 

komiyota 

ko  'kiutne 

lie  down 

k<  se'yine 

k<  se'ne 

walk 

The  foregoing  examples  demonstrate  the  great  irregularity  and 
complexity  as  well  as  the  great  importance  of  the  Salinan  plural.  It 
is  not  impossible  that  a  very  intensive  study  might  elucidate  phonetic 
laws  governing  these  cases,  and  also,  assign  various  significations  to 
the  different  classes;  at  present  the  irregularity  would  seem  to  be 
due  to  historical  or  other  fortuitous  causes  unexplainable  without  an 
extended  comparative  philological  study. 


1918]  Mason:  The  Language  of  the  Salinan  Indians  29 


THE  NOUN 

The  Salinan  noun  invariably  stands  in  independent  position;  it 
is  never  incorporated  in  the  verb  and  is  seldom  used  in  apposition  to 
any  particle  in  the  verbal  complex.  It  is  varied  in  form  only  for 
plural  number  and  possessive  case  and  in  certain  etymological  re- 
lations. Gender  and  the  other  grammatical  cases  are  expressed  by 
independent  means.  The  etymological  and  plural  modifications  have 
already  been  treated ;  it  remains  to  consider  pronominal  possession  and 
one  other  minor  grammatical  phenomenon. 

NOMINAL  PREFIXES 

One  of  the  most  puzzling  and  equivocal  features  of  Salinan  is  a 
prefix  t-.  It  stands  in  close  analogy  to  the  verbal  prefixes  p-  and  k-, 
to  be  considered  later.  It  is  prefixed  to  most  nouns  derived  from 
verbs,  and  on  this  account  should  possibly  be  considered  as  an  etymo- 
logical element  were  it  not  for  the  fact  that  practically  all  other 
etymological  elements  are  suffixed.  Moreover,  it,  or  a  similar  prefix, 
is  found  with  most  pronominal  possessive  prefixes  and  with  certain 
forms  of  the  verb.  Examples  of  t-  as  a  nominalizing  prefix  are  given 
below ;  its  other  functions  will  be  considered  later. 


17.  t-,  nominal 

prefix. 

t-olol-a'iyo 

his  flute 

k-o'lo-l-i< 

play  flute 

t-olal-a'iyu 

his  shame 

k-o'la'l-e' 

be  ashamed 

t-a-'s-o 

his  name 

k-ajs-et 

be  called 

t-ecxai 

dawn 

k-ecxai 

to  dawn 

ti-ka-'keL 

song 

ka/k'a 

sing 

t-au-yi 

heat 

k-au-yak 

be  hot 

t-alel-k-eya 

question 

p-alel-k-o 

ask 

t-atce-x 

seat 

k-atce-k 

sit  down 

With  certain  nominal  stems,  principally  those  denoting  terms  of 
relationship,  a  prefix  a-  is  found,  which  seems  to  have  no  definite  sig- 
nificance unless  it  may  be  an  abstract  possessive  form.  Many  of  these 
are  forms  taken  from  Sitjar,  the  same  stems  occurring  in  modern  usage 
without  this  prefix. 

18.  a-,  nominal. 

a-ton-o  his  younger  sister  ton'  my  younger  sister 

a-pe-u  his  elder  sister  pe  my  elder  sister 

a-tos-o  his  younger  brother  tos  my  younger   brother 

a-kay-o  his  elder  brother  kai  my  elder  brother 


30  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 

a-xalau-o  his  grandfather  xa'la  my  grandfather 

axomo  foster   father 

apai  mother 

ama  grandfather 

asa'k'  o  '  uncle 

a-kom-lua'we  unmarried  woman  lua'  '  man 

a-lua-nil-ayo  overseer  lua"  man 

a'teloi  friend 

a-laxam  door,   entrance 

z-mis-'ayo  mass  (Sp.  misa) 

PRONOMINAL  POSSESSION 

Pronominal  possession  is  expressed  by  the  prefixation,  or  in  certain 
persons  the  suffixation,  of  elements  only  distantly  related  to  the  inde- 
pendent forms  of  the  personal  pronouns.  The  prefixes  are  closely 
welded  to  the  nominal  stem  and  the  combination  is  normally  without 
phonetic  change,  except  as  noted  below.  The  elements  of  the  first  and 
second  persons  are  prefixed,  those  of  the  third  person  suffixed.  The 
pronominal  possessive  prefixes  with  examples  are  given  below  ;  they 
are  practically  identical  in  the  two  dialects. 


Singular 

1 

(t)- 

2 

tm-,  turn-,  tme- 

3 

(t)  '-o 

Plural 

1 

ta(t)- 

2 

tk-,  tuk-,  tko- 

3 

(t)  —  -ot,   (t)— 

Nominal  stems  beginning  in  a  consonant  require  little  comment. 
The  bare  stem  expresses  the  first  person  singular  possessive,  the  bare 
stem  with  suffix  -o  or  -ot  the  third  personal  possessives.  The  other 
persons  take  the  prefixes  turn-,  to-,  and  tuk-: 

sa-'nat'  my  hide  tasa-'nat'  our  hide 

tumsa-'nat'          thy  hide  tuksa-'nat'  your  hide 

sana'to  his  hide  sana't'ot  their  hide 

Stems  ending  in  -a  normally  change  this  to  -o  in  the  third  person  : 
t'me-'ma  thy  house  te-mo'  his  house 

The  suffix  -o  of  the  third  person  generally  takes  the  stress  accent 
and  stems  ending  in  -o  distinguish  their  third  personal  possessives  by 
this  method  alone. 

ta-'mo  my  boss  ia-mo'  his  boss 


1918]  Mason:  The  Language  of  the  Salinan  Indians  31 

Stems  ending  in  -i  take  a  y  glide  before  the  -o  suffix ;  stems  ending 
in  -u  take  a  w  glide. 

tololi'  my  flute  tolola'yo  his  flute 

tu  my  face  tu-wo'  his  face 

Nominal  stems  commencing  in  any  vowel  except  a-  take  the  nominal 
prefix  t-  (no.  17)  in  the  first  and  third  persons.  In  the  case  of  the  first 
person  plural  this  follows  the  pronominal  to,-,  forming  the  prefix  tat-. 
Thus  in  every  case  the  first  personal  plural  possessive  form  is  equiv- 
alent to  the  first  personal  singular  form  plus  the  prefix  ta.  The  accent 
generally  falls  on  this  prefix.  In  the  second  person  nominal  stems 
commencing  in  vowels  take  the  possessive  prefixes  tm-  and  tk-. 

It  will  be  noticed  that  the  prefixes  of  the  second  person  invariably 
contain  the  initial  sound  t-  (frequently  heard  as  t-).  As  this  element 
is  not  found  with  the  pronominal  forms  of  this  person  in  the  other 
classes,  it  is  probable  that  this  is  the  same  nominal  prefix  t-. 

tu  my  face  tatu  our  face 

tmu-  they  face  tku  your   face 

tu-wo'  his  face  tuhe'not  their  faces 

Except  in  the  cases  of  stems  commencing  in  a-  and  monosyllabic 
stems,  the  initial  stem  vowel  is  dissimilated  to  e-  in  the  case  of  the 
second  person  singular  and  o-  in  the  case  of  the  second  person  plural ; 
this  suggests  that  these  vowels  are  intrinsic  to  the  pronominal  forms. 
Cf.  the  stem  for  "dog",  absolute  xutc: 

ti-'tco  my  dog  ta'titc  our  dog 

t'  me-'tco  thy  dog  t'  ko'tco  your  dog 

ti-tco'  his  dog  ti-'tcot  their  dog 

Nominal  stems  commencing  in  a-  display  several  irregularities. 
They  retain  this  vowel  unchanged  in  the  second  personal  forms. 
Certain  examples  take  the  nominal  prefix  t-: 

ta-k  my  head  ta'tak  our  head 

t'ma-k  thy   head  t'ka'k  your  head 

ta-'ko  hia  head  ta'kot'  their  head 

Others  do  not  take  this  prefix : 

a'xak  my  bone  ta-'xak  our  bone 

tuma'xak  thy  bone  tuka'xak  your  bone 

axa'ko  his  bone  axa'kot'  their  bone 

It  is  probable  that  those  which  do  not  take  the  nominal  prefix  are 
either  reduced  from  an  original  initial  pa-  (p.  16),  or  else  composed 
with  the  nominal  prefix  a-  (no.  18). 


32  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 

In  the  third  person  plural  an  optional  form  is  the  use  of  the 
singular  suffix  -o  followed  by  the  appropriate  independent  pronoun 
heyo't,  "they".  It  is  possible  that  the  difference  between  these  two 
forms  may  be  that  between  the  normal  possessive  and  the  distributive. 
But  examples  are  equivocal,  as : 

t-etc-a-'t-o  their  dogs 

t'-e-'tc-ot  every  one's  dog 

t-e-'m-ot  their  house 

cpoke't-o-t'  every  one's  hair 

luwuy-iya-t-o  their  respective  husbands 

In  the  first  and  last  examples  there  seems  to  be  a  suffix  -a-t  em- 
ployed. Another  element  of  similar  portent  seems  to  be  a  prefix  ku-: 

ko'-otc-te'  every  man's  dog 

tat-ku'-fcwwai  every  man's  horse 

The  suffix  -f  ye '  in  such  instances  means  each : 

ko'-otc-te'  every  man's  dog 

po.'fea-t'is'  each  cow 

The  adjective  pronouns  "mine",  "thine",  etc.,  are  supplied  by  the 
independent  forms,  generally  with  the  substantive  verb  appended. 


PRONOMINAL  SYSTEM 

The  pronouns  function  in  the  Salinan  dialects  in  independent  and 
affixed  forms,  the  latter  being  closely  welded  to  the  stem.  There  are 
several  different  series  of  forms,  more  or  less  divergent,  but  in  the 
majority  of  cases  displaying  some  resemblance  inter  se. 


INDEPENDENT  PEONOUNS 

The  independent  pronouns  occur  mainly  as  subjective,  less  often 
as  emphatic  or  appositional  forms  for  the  objective  or  possessive.  The 
forms  in  the  two  dialects  differ  to  some  extent : 

Singular  Antoniano  Migueleno 

1  he- 'k'    (kek)  k'e' 

2  mo '  mo ' 

3  heyo"  heo' 
Plural 

1  ha-'k<    (kak)  k'a' 

mo-rn  mom 

3  heyo-'  't  hewo'  't 


1918]  Mason:  The  Language  of  the  Salinan  Indians  33 

These  independent  forms  are  frequently  affixed  to  the  verb  as 
enclitics  or  proclitics  to  represent  the  subjective  relation ;  they  will  be 
more  thoroughly  treated  under  the  caption  of  verbs. 

The  other  forms  of  the  personal  pronouns  function  as  true  prefixes 
or  suffixes,  integral  elements  of  the  complex  in  which  they  stand.  The 
possessive  nominal  prefixes  have  already  been  considered ;  the  objective 
suffixes  will  be  treated  under  the  analysis  of  the  verbal  complex.  It 
remains  to  consider  a  special  oblique  or  locative  form. 


LOCATIVE  PEONOUNS 

These  are  a  special  group  used  only  after  locative  prefixes  or 
prepositions.  They  show  for  the  most  part  genetic  relationship  with 
the  independent  forms,  but  are  somewhat  variant.  The  form  of  the 
second  person  plural  is  not  absolutely  certain,  for  lack  of  sufficient 
examples.  The  forms  employed  are: 

Singular 

1  k'e 

2  me 

3  ke'o 
Plural 

1  k'a 

2  ko 

3  kewa'L 


Thus: 


tewa-'kok  'e  near  me 

akeme'  where  art  thouf 

umke'o  up  to  him 

ump'ak'a  beyond  us 

akeamko  where  ye  will  be 

makewa'L  to  them 


TABLE  OF  PEONOMINAL  FOEMS 

Although  some  of  the  forms  of  the  personal  pronoun  have  not  yet 
been  considered,  a  table  of  the  various  forms  is  appended  below  for 
purposes  of  comparison.  It  will  be  seen  that,  though  there  is  a  super- 
ficial resemblance  between  all  classes,  yet  the  variations  are  great. 
Practically  every  form  shows  resemblance  with  some  other,  yet  it  can 
not  be  said  that  any  of  the  classes  fall  together  as  opposed  to  others, 
except,  of  course,  the  enclitic  and  proclitic  forms  of  the  independent. 
The  objective  and  possessive  forms  are  possibly  the  more  variant. 


34  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 

Singular  Independent     Proclitic  Objective         Locative  Possessive 


hp'k 

A 

ak 

-k'e 

IlC     ix 

mo' 

m 

ka 

-me 

tum- 

hevo'  ' 

o,  ko 

-keo 

-0 

WJ  V* 

ha'k 

a 

7 

t'ak 

-k'a 

ta- 

mom 

(om) 

t'kam 

-ko 

tuk- 

hevo'  't 

ot,  kot 

-kewa'L 

-ot 

THE  VERB 

As  with  most  American  Indian  languages,  the  Salinan  verb  is  the 
crux  of  the  sentence,  but  it  does  not  play  the  all-important  part  that 
it  does  in  many  of  them.  The  Salinan  verb  normally  displays  within 
its  complex  the  number  of  the  pronominal  subject  and  the  number 
and  person  of  the  pronominal  object.  It  may  also  show  certain 
etymological  and  modal  phenomena,  but  tense  only  incidentally. 

The  etymological  relations  have  already  been  considered,  as  has 
the  question  of  the  number  of  the  verbal  stem;  the  other  relations 
remain  to  be  elucidated. 

The  verbal  stem  is  modified  by  prefixes,  infixes,  and  suffixes,  to  a 
lesser  extent  by  the  affixation  of  enclitics  and  proclitics.  The  infixes 
are  concerned  exclusively  with  pluralization  and  have  been  already 
considered;  the  prefixes  express  the  principal  modal  qualifications, 
the  suffixes  the  lesser  ones.  The  various  appurtenances  of  the  verbal 
complex:  proclitics,  prefixes,  suffixes,  and  enclitics  will  be  considered 
in  this  order. 

PROCLITICS 

For  the  sake  of  convenience  in  nomenclature,  certain  preposed 
elements  are  termed  ' '  proclitic ' '  in  order  to  distinguish  them  from  the 
modal  prefixes.  In  certain  respects,  however,  as  they  are  never  found 
independently  and  may  carry  the  accent,  they  might  better  be  termed 
"prefixes  of  the  first  class/' 

The  verbal  proclitics  are  divided  into  two  classes,  temporal  and 
interrogative. 

Temporal  Proclitics 

A  number  of  proclitics  introduce  temporal  clauses,  preceding  the 
pronominal  subject.  The  principal  ones  are  me-,  ma-,  ~be-,  le-,  and 
kacta-,  all  meaning  ' '  when. ' ' 


1918]         ,  Mason:  The  Language  of  the  Salinan  Indians  .'{5 

19.  me-,  "when,"  indefinite  time. 

me-t-amp'  when  it  rises 

me'-t'ya  when  it  is  finished 

me'-p-t 'ekaxo  when  he  kills 

me-p-a-'lxo  whenever  he  wished 

me'-t-k<  onlox  whenever  people    came 

me-yam-tem  when  I  see  my  house 

me-t-epts'e'n  when  they  stung  him 

me"e.-ka-wi'  whenever  I  get  sleepy 

me-cko  when  I  am 

me'-t-a'mt' ele'    (M)  when  they  go  to  hunt 

The  prefix  ma-  probably  differs  only  phonetically  from  me-: 

ma'-yaL  when  we  go 

ma'-paLa  when  we  dance 

ma'-yomal  when  they  see 

20.  be-,  "when,"  definite  past  time. 

bC'-ya'  when  I  went 

be-tom-he"k  when  I  fell 

21.  le-,  "when,"  indefinite  past  time. 

le-yax  when  I  came 

Li-ctexa-e.'n  when  I  was  a  boy 

le-sko   (M)  when  I  was   (small) 

le-t-eta-ha'pu  (M)  when  it  was  made 

This  proclitic  is  probably  related  to  the  temporal  adverb  of  past 
time,  lelo. 

22.  kacta-,  "when?"  temporal  interrogative. 

kacta-m-amp  when  will  you  finish? 

kacta'-umulop'  when  will  we  finish? 

kacta-m-ka'ka  when  will  you   sing? 

kacta-t-iyax  when  will  he   come? 

kacta-konox  when  will  I  arrive? 

There  are  several  other  possible  temporal  proclitics  but  examples 
are  insufficient  to  establish  their  case. 

With  the  temporal  proclitics  should  probably  also  be  considered 
the  particle  tarn,  ram,  or  am,  "then,"  one  of  the  most  frequent  con- 
nectives. 

Interrogative  Proclitics 

Interrogative  proclitics  are  few  in  number  and  genetically  related 
to  independent  forms.  In  addition  to  the  temporal  interrogative  given 
just  above  there  are  two  adverbial  forms :  ake-,  ' ' how  ? ' '  and  mena'ko-, 
"why?",  and  two  pronominal  forms:  ta-,  "who?"  and  tas-,  "what?" 


36  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 

23.  ake-,  "what?"  "where?"  "which?"  "how?"  interrogative 

adverb. 

ake-nota-'siL  what  shall  we  do? 

akl-'c  what  is  there? 

ake-t'm-e.'ke'  where  art  thou  going? 

ake-'am'  whither? 

ake-me-'nax-ta  whence  dost  thou  come  now? 

akl-ca'  how  art  thou? 

ake-te-ke'o  where  is  he  going? 

ake'ho'   (M)  which  is  it? 

ake-ta'ti'  (M)  what  shall  we  do? 

ake-to'n-ho'   (M)  which  is  this? 

ake-ton-ke'u  (M)  where  is  he? 

aki'-teno-p^a'mka(M)  where  is  he  who  is  going  to  kill  thee? 

The  particle  ton  in  the  last  three  Migueleno  examples  is  of  doubt- 
ful nature. 

24.  mena'ko-,  (M)  miyo'k,  "why?"  interrogative  advert. 

me-'nak<  -t<  -kom-i'ye  why  don't  you  go? 

mi'yo 'k-to-ku'm-icsx    (M)  why  don't  you  eat  it? 

The  same  particle  is  also  used  as  conjunctive  "because"  and  as  an 
interjection. 

25.  to-,  (M)  tek'a'-,  "who?"  "which?"  "whose?"  animate  inter- 

rogative pronoun. 

ta-p-k< -t-aten-ko  who  stole  it? 

ta-'ru-p'  which  of  (them)  ? 

ta--kera-'ne  whose? 

ta-ko-'-otce-wa-xo'tc  whose  dog  is  this? 

ta--lwa"-  which  is  the  better  man? 

ta--p<  -iem-o'<  who  knows? 

te'k'a'    (M)  who  is  he? 

te-k'o   (M)  who  is ? 

26.  tas-,  (M)  taltom',  "what?"  "which?"  inanimate  interrogative 

pronoun. 

ta-'s-ten  no'vi'  what  is  that  which ? 

ta-s-tm-a-'lox  what  do  you  wish? 

ta's-ta-'va'  what  were  they  which ? 

ta-'s-t'm  what  (animal)?  what  (did  he  say)? 

taLtum,  ta'ltom'  (M)  what  is  it? 

talt'Ma"   (M)  what  saidst  thou? 

PROCLITIC  PRONOMINAL  SUBJECT 

The  pronominal  subject  of  a  verb  is  typically  not  expressed  in  the 
verbal  complex  but  rather  by  the  use  of  the  independent  form  of  the 
personal  pronoun,  generally  following  the  verb  and  sometimes  enclitic 


1918]  Mason:  The  Language  of  the  Salinan  Indians  37 

to  it.  These  independent  forms  have  already  been  considered  (p.  32) 
and  the  enclitics  will  be  treated  following  verbal  suffixes.  When  the 
verb  expresses  the  third  person  it  frequently  stands  alone  without 
pronoun  and  also  occasionally  in  the  case  of  the  other  persons  when  no 
confusion  will  ensue.  In  a  few  cases  when,  due  to  special  conditions, 
the  independent  pronoun  precedes  the  verb,  it  may  become  coalesced 
with  the  verb  in  rapid  speech  and  thus  act  as  a  proclitic.  This 
phenomenon  is  rare  and  inconsequential. 

But  in  certain  constructions  the  pronominal  subject  becomes  an 
integral  part  of  the  verbal  complex.  As  such  it  is  much  reduced  or 
abbreviated  in  form.  Thus  certain  verbal  proclitics  and  prefixes 
always  require  the  pronominal  first  or  second  personal  subject  between 
themselves  and  the  verbal  stem.  Such  are  the  temporal  proclitics  and 
the  negative  and  interrogative  prefixes.  These  reduced  subjective 
forms  are : 

Singular  Plural 

1.  e  1.     a 

2.  m  2.     (om) 

me"-e--ka'W-i'  when  I  get  sleepy 

ke'ra'  k-e-koL  I  am  not  hungry 

kacta-m-amp  when  will  you  finish? 

u-m-kaka  are  you  singing? 

ke'ra'  k-a-suxtox  we  are  not  afraid 

There  are  no  forms  for  the  third  person  and  that  of  the  second 
person  plural  is  doubtful. 

PEEFIXES 

Prefixed  to  the  verbal  stem  may  stand  one  or  more  of  ten  elements 
which  signify  modal  relations.  These  are  for  the  greater  part  the 
more  abstract  and  general  ideas,  the  more  particular  ones  being 
expressed  by  suffixes.  They  are  generally  prefixed  directly  to  the 
verbal  stem  though  a  few  of  them  interpose  the  pronominal  subject 
between  themselves  and  the  stem.  But  the  combination  is  complete ; 
there  is  no  suggestion  of  the  nature  of  proclitics.  Some  of  them  are 
mutually  exclusive,  while  others  permit  of  combination  with  other 
prefixes. 

These  ten  verbal  prefixes  are  of  the  greatest  importance  in  Salinan 
morphology.  The  majority  of  verbs  display  one  or  more  of  these 
elements  in  their  complexes.  The  first  three  undoubtedly  are  the  most 
recurrent  features  in  the  language  and  their  elucidation  supplies  the 
most  difficult  feature  of  Salinan  grammar.  The  remaining  seven  are 


38  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 

more  or  less  clear  and  unequivocal  in  meaning.  For  convenience  in 
arrangement  and  nomenclature,  each  element  has  been  assigned  a 
number,  a  definite  form,  and  an  explanatory  title.  But  in  many  cases, 
as  the  imperative  and  interrogative,  the  element  appears  to  be  pro- 
nominal in  nature,  and  in  others,  as  for  instance  the  transitive,  intran- 
sitive and  nominal,  the  titles  given  by  no  means  adequately  explain 
the  meaning  and  nature  of  these  elements. 

The  ten  prefixes  with  their  approximate  forms  and  significances 
are: 

27.  p-,  transitive 

28.  k-,   intransitive 

29.  t-,  nominal 

30.  m-,   imperative 

31.  ko-,   negative 

32.  o-,    interrogative 

33.  ta-,  conditional 

34.  en-,  dependent 

35.  na-,  purposive  f 

36.  se-,  substantive 


Transitive,  Intransitive,  Nominal 

The  three  prefixes,  27p-,  28  k-,  and  29  t-  supply  the  most  striking 
and  at  the  same  time  the  most  elusive  feature  of  Salinan  morphology. 
The  majority  of  verbs  contain  one  of  the  three  elements.  But  their 
great  frequency  only  lends  added  difficulty  to  the  elucidation  of  their 
proper  values.  If  they  have  any  absolute  meaning  it  has  eluded  the 
present  writer  for  many  years.  For  convenience  in  nomenclature  the 
titles  as  above  given  have  been  assigned  to  them  for  reasons  which 
will  be  given  below.  But  the  titles  are  applicable  to  only  a  restricted 
number  of  cases  and  many  examples  absolutely  refute  the  suggested 
explanations.  It  is  possible  that  they  are  the  vestiges  of  a  once  fully 
functional  process,  now  petrified  in  its  irregularity,  or  else  broken 
down  with  the  approaching  extinction  of  the  language. 

The  three  prefixes  are  mutually  exclusive ;  only  one  of  them  may 
occur  in  any  verbal  complex. 

The  sign  p-  frequently  precedes  stems  with  an  object,  generally 
personal,  while  k-  may  precede  the  same  stem  when  used  intransitively. 
k-  also  normally  precedes  stems  when  used  passively,  most  intrinsically 
intransitive  verbs  and  most  adjectives.  On  this  account  these  two  pre- 
fixes have  been  designated  by  the  terms  ' '  transitive ' '  and  intransitive. ' ' 


1918]  Mason:  The  Language  of  the  Salinan  Indians  39 

k-ecxai' '  I  woke  up  t-ecxai' '  dawn 

k<  -ts  'axe'le  it  snows  ts  'ahe'L  snow 

k<  -t  'e'pine  he  is  fat  t  'e'pen  fat 

k-iltee-wi'a  winter  is  coming  i'ltce  winter 

k-cta'ne  it  is  budding  ctan '  leaf 

k-'a'mes  he  shouted  p-'a'mes-ak  he  cried  to  me 

k-a-wiyak'ce'  it  is  hot  p-a'wi-lo-ko  she  heated  it 

k-e'nai  he  hurt  himself  p-e'nai-ko  I  wounded  him 

k-ospolo'x  he  commanded  p-espolo'x-o  he  seized  it 

But  many  cases  are  found  in  which  p-  introduces  an  intransitive 
phrase  and  k-  a  transitive  one. 

p'  -iem.o'  I  think 

p-ikele-'ntx-o  he  circled  around 

p-a'lx-o  he  wished   (to) 

p-a'mk-o  I  am  able 

k-a'met'i  he  hunted  for  him 

k-ena/y-ok  he  wounded  him 

k-tc'a-uye'  they  sought  him 

k-mala.-k  they  told  him 

Many  of  these  apparent  cases  of  the  use  of  k-  for  the  transitive 
may  truly  be  passives. 

One  of  the  few  features  of  practical  certainty  regarding  these  two 
prefixes  is  that  the  p-  prefix  nearly  invariably  takes  the  suffix  -o  or  -ko 
as  its  third  personal  objective  form  while  the  objective  form  in  -k 
occurs  exclusively  with  the  k-  prefix. 

In  many  cases  the  difference  between  the  p-  and  k-  prefixes  appears 
to  be  that  between  singular  and  plural  subject. 


p-a-ke"n-o 
p'  -me-'t-o-teN 
Ma'ita-ko 
p'ha-'iya-k 
p-as-iem  (M) 

I  thought 
he  tried  again 
he  told  them 
he  paid  me 
he  was  named 

k-a-ki'n-yi  ' 
k'  -me-'ti 
k'  -maltau-k 
ke-p'  ha'iyak 
k-a's-ile 

they  thought 
they  try 
they  told  them 
they  paid  me 
they  are  named 

It  is  possible  that  the  above  cases  are  also  passives,  that  construc- 
tion being  preferred  with  plural  subjects. 

When  the  prefix  p-  precedes  a  stem  commencing  in  m  the  com- 
bination results  in  a  surd  M,  the  p  disappearing. 

Many  different  hypotheses  have  been  advanced  and  considered 
concerning  the  nature  of  the  p-  and  k-  prefixes,  but  none  of  them 
seems  to  be  applicable  to  every  case. 

The  prefix  t-  seems  to  be  an  alternative  form  for  either  of  the  above 
prefixes.  It  is  termed  "nominal"  merely  because  its  form  is  the 
same  as  that  of  the  nominal  prefix  no.  17  and  there  may  be  some  con- 


40  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 

nection  between  them.  This  prefix  seems  to  be  found  in  two  circum- 
stances: it  may  stand  initial  as  a  prefix  to  certain  stems  which  ordi- 
narily utilize  it,  or  it  may  replace  one  of  the  other  prefixes  when  pre- 
ceded by  another  prefix  or  proclitic. 

The  verbs  which  ordinarily  take  the  t-  prefix  initially  are  prin- 
cipally verbs  of  motion : 

t<  -ia  he  went 

t'-iax  he  came 

Occasionally,  though  rarely,  other  stems,  principally  those  com- 
mencing in  a  vowel,  are  found  with  the  prefix  t-  in  initial  position. 
But  the  most  frequent  use  of  t-  is  in  place  of  one  of  the  other  prefixes 
after  another  prefix  or  proclitic.  The  prefixes  p-  and  Jt-  are  generally 
not  found  following  other  prefixes.  They  do  occur  under  certain 
conditions : 

am-p-ia'tleko  he  sent  them 

am-k<  -Na-'yi '  he  fled 

But  in  the  great  majority  of  cases,  particularly  with  stems  com- 
mencing in  a  vowel,  after  the  proclitic  tarn  (ram,  am),  me  and  the 
other  temporal  and  interrogative  proclitics,  the  negative  and  the  other 
verbal  prefixes  and  the  preposition,  the  transitive  and  intransitive  pre- 
fixes are  replaced  by  t-. 

ta'm-t-a-lel-a'ikf  they  asked  him  p-ale'1-ko  he  asked  him 

ta'm-t-amp  it  came  out  k-a-'mp'Lo  it  came  out 

ra'm-t'  -xwen  he  arrived  xwe'nelax  they  arrived 

am-t'-yax  he  came  yax  come! 

me'-t-amt'  ele<    (M)  when  they  hunt  k-a'mti'  (M)  he  was  hunting 

me-t-amp'  when  it  came  out  p-a-ma'mp'ko  he  took  it  out 

me-t-epts'e'n  when  they  stung  him  am-k-epts'en-la'ik  they  stung  him 

me'nak-t-kum-sa  mo"  why  don't  you  speak?  k'-sa'  he  spoke 

ko'-t-amai  he  could  not  ko'-p-amko  I  can  not 

ti-t-a-'leyix  if  they  wish  p-a'lxo  I  wish 

ti-t-a-'mpta'  to  come  out  k-a-'mp'Lo  it  came  out 


Imperative 

The  imperatives  are  confined  to  the  second  person ;  other  forms  are 
always  academic  and  theoretical.  It  is  very  difficult  to  formulate  the 
exact  rules  for  the  use  of  the  imperative,  as  puzzling  and  apparently 
inexplicable  exceptions  to  any  rule  are  found,  but  the  normal  system 
seems  to  be : 


Mason :  The  Language  of  the  tialinan  Indians  41 

Singular  positive  imperatives  make  use  of  the  bare  verbal  stem  if 
it  commences  with  a  consonant,  or  of  the  stem  plus  the  prefix  m-  if  it 
begins  with  a  vowel.  This  prefix  m-  is  very  probably  the  m  of  the 
second  personal  singular  pronoun.  Singular  negative  constructions 
employ  the  prefix  hum-  in  all  cases. 

Plural  imperatives  are  scarce  in  the  data  secured  but  the  prefix  k- 
appears  to  be  used  in  the  majority  of  cases,  the  stem  in  the  plural  form 
in  other  cases. 

A  few  examples  seem  to  suggest  that  the  m-  and  k-  prefixes  are 
used  with  transitive  verbs,  the  bare  stem  with  intransitives,  but  excep- 
tions to  this  hypothesis  are  likewise  found. 

30.  m-,  k-,  imperative. 

k'ak'a  sing! 

xa'la  shoot  him! 

male-'ntax  remember  it! 

m-i'cim  drink! 

m-et  'eyine'  'k  shoot  him ! 

m-ult'i'k  cut  him! 

m-ama'mpek  draw  it! 

ku'-m-xa-t^  do  not  cry! 

ko'-m-icax  do  not  eat! 

ko'-m-pt 'ika '  do  not  beat  her! 

ko-m-eck'wala  do  not  cut  yourself! 

yaxte'L  come  on! 

k-osteM  mom  drink! 

k<-ts'e'ik<  go  and  see  him! 

k'-mit'ka-tek  drive  them  off! 

The  imperative  takes  its  third  personal  pronominal  object  in  -ik, 
never  in  -o  or  -Jco: 

k-a'mamp-ik  take  it  out! 

a'mes-ik  shout  to  him! 

m-alel-ik  ask  him! 

Negative 

The  negative  is  expressed  in  two  ways  in  Salinan :  by  the  indepen- 
dent negative  ke'ra'  and  by  the  negative  verbal  prefix.  The  two  are 
normally  used  jointly,  probably  to  avoid  possible  confusion  with  the 
intransitive  prefix  k-,  as: 

ke'ra'  koxo-'ye'  he  did  not  reply 

31.  ko-,  negative. 

The  normal  negative  prefix  seems  to  be  the  element  k  followed  by 
the  proclitic  form  of  the  subject  pronoun.  An  alternative  explanation 


42  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 

might  be  that  the  negative  prefix  is  k-  and  that  when  required  by 
phonetic  laws  the  proclitic  pronoun  is  interpolated.  In  either  case  the 
result  is  the  same.  As  the  third  person  is  by  far  the  more  common  in 
running  text,  the  most  frequent  form  of  the  negative  is  ko-;  this  again 
may  be  the  true  form  of  the  prefix,  the  others  assimilated  to  other 
vowels. 

Verbal  stems  beginning  in  a  consonant,  form  their  negatives  by  the 
prefixation  of  the  negative  element  k  plus  the  proclitic  form  of  the 
pronominal  subjects,  forming  the  prefixes : 

Singular  Plural 

1  ke  1     ka 

2  kum  2      (kum) 

3  ko  3     kot<,  ko 

Thus: 

ke'ra'  ke-k'a-'k'a  I  will  not  sing 

ke'ra'  kum-ketca'  you  art  not  large 

ko-ts'e'no  he  is  not  happy 

ke'ra'  ka-suxtax  we  are  not  afraid 

kot'-ko'nox  they  did  not  arrive 

Verbal  stems  commencing  in  a  vowel  seem  to  be  less  regular.  In 
the  first  person  the  vowels  of  the  pronominal  subject  and  the  stem 
appear  to  fuse,  but  not  according  to  rule ;  in  the  second  person,  the 
prefix  ending  in  a  consonant,  no  change  is  necessary;  in  the  third 
person  singular  one  of  the  other  verbal  prefixes,  generally  p,  is  inter- 
polated ;  in  the  third  person  plural  the  .same  prefix  kot  is  generally 
retained.  Frequently  the  sole  difference  between  the  singular  and 
plural  is  in  the  use  of  the  plural  verb  stems.  When  confusion  is  likely 
to  ensue,  the  independent  prefix  ke'ra'  is  also  used,  as: 

k-a-'mko  I  am  not  able 

kum-'a'mes  you  did  not  cry 

ko-p-a-'mko  he  is  not  able 

k-amxo-t'e  we  were  not  able 

ke'ra'  ka-a'cax-t 'elix  we  will  not  eat 

(k'  o-k<  -a'mko  you  are  not  able) 

me'nak  t'kom-iye  why  don't  you  go? 

kot-amai  they  are  not  able 

k-yam-anel-ak  they  did  not  see  me 

Interrogative 

The  interrogative  is  expressed  in  Salinan  by  the  prefixation  to  the 
verbal  stem  of  the  reduced  proclitic  form  of  the  pronominal  subject. 
Since  in  running  text  the  third  personal  interrogative  is  by  far  the 


1918] 


Mason:  The  Language  of  the  Salman  Indians 


43 


most  common,  the  third  personal  element  is  arbitrarily  adopted  as  the 
sign  of  the  interrogative. 
The  prefixed  elements  are : 


Singular 

1  e 

2  um 

3  o 

32.  o-,  interrogative. 

e-ki'  he'k  am  I  going? 

um-ki'  mo'          are  you  going? 
o-ki'  heyo'          is  he  going? 

om-ya'mcep 

um-petxa'u 

um-ka'xa-ulo< 

o-una'< 

o'-yo' 

o-ko'nsele 


Plural 

1  a 

2  (um) 

3  o 


a-kiya'L  ha'k 
um-ki'aL  mom' 
o-kia'L  heyo't 

do  you  see? 
have  you  it  I 
are  you  asleep? 
this   one? 
is  it  this? 
will   (he)   sell 


are  we  going? 
are  you  going? 
are  they  going? 


The  negative  interrogative  is  formed  by  the  interrpgative  prefix 
followed  by  the  negative  prefix,  as : 

o-ko'-p-enai  won't  he  hurt  (me)? 

The  interrogative  is  used  in  many  eases  of  doubt  or  possibility  but 
where  no  question  is  asked: 

o'-yema' 
o-yo'  '16 
o'yo'  '16 
o'-t'ika 
o'-tica-'rnko 


who  might  be  seen 
(to  see)  if  he  is  there 
(to  see)  where  he  is 
(go)  to  see  if  there  is 
(I  wish)   I  were  able  to 


o-pa/mko 
o'-t'  amai 


(he  tries)  to  be  able  to 
(they  try)  to  be  able  to 


The  same  or  a  similar  prefix  appears  to  be  used  for  the  vocative,  as : 

o-k'ewe'L  O,  West  Wind! 

Hello,  friend! 


o'-ta'mi-Tco 
o-cetelua' ' 


Say,  old  man! 


Conditional 

Conditional  constructions  are  expressed  by  the  use  of  a  prefix  t- 
with  following  vowel.  In  the  majority  of  cases  this  vowel  is  assim- 
ilated to  agree  with  the  following  vowel  of  stem  or  prefix,  but  other 
cases  seem  to  show  no  regularity.  In  a  few  cases  the  vowel  may  be 
that  of  the  subjective  pronoun. 


44 


University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 


33.  t(a),  conditional. 

ta'-amka  se 
ta-ko'm-a-mko 
tr  an-t'i-itxa-'-tic    se 
te-etxa'  se 
ti-ko-t-ep'  eL 
ti-'a'pau-te< 
ti-ki'e-k'  a-ka- 
tic-ta'-a'mka  se 
to-ko-lecxai-ta 


if  I  am  able 

(asked)  if  he  could 

if  I  had 

if  I  have  them,  when 

if  it  is   not   filled 

if  I  overtake  him 

if  I  don't  sing 

if  I  were  able 

if  it  does  not  rain 


I  have  them 


Dependent 

Dependent  clauses  of  purpose,  intent,  doubt,  possibility,  following 
verbs  of  command  and  similar  constructions  are  introduced  by  the 
prefix  en-  (  em,  $,  in,  iy,  an,  on,  um,  etc.  )  . 

34.  en-,  dependent. 

(commanded)  to  go 

in  order  to  sleep 

to  please  myself 

in  order  to  see 

in  order  to  tell 

so  that  it  entered 
(said)  to  come 

to  see  if  I  can 
(sh-3  whom  [)  seek 
(he  who)   speaks 

what  I  may  desire 
(commanded)    to   make 
(commanded)  to  stop  it 
(go)  to  see 

so  that  not  to  fight 

so  that  not 


en-t'-ya' 

en-ka'u 

e-'n-i-ts  'e-na'  ' 

<en-ts'e"n 

'en-tico-'p 

em-k<  -cu-'lukne 

em-ya'< 

em-e'tikas   (M) 

em-tc'au 

em-sek' 

tas-em-a-'lox 

em-p-eta'ko 

§m-p-etc'e-ko 

I'N-t-i  'ts  'e-k< 

j?7-kera"-k  'a'  Li" 

'  iyj-kera  '-racrake 

an-p-alelek  (S) 

q,n-ti-xo't  'op' 

a/-a/mko 

oN-p-apa.'yu 

on-e'-p-o'x 

um-ta-'ne   (M) 


if  I  ask 
(let  me)  pass 
(to  see)  if  I  can 
in  order  to  copulate 
in  order  to  enter 
(told)   to  give 


Purposive 

Another  prefix  of  somewhat  similar  significance  but  much  rarer 
than  en-  is  na.  In  the  majority  of  cases  it  appears  to  introduce 
dependent  clauses  of  purpose.  Its  characteristic  vowel  seems  to  be 
modified  by  that  of  the  pronominal  subject. 


1918]  Mason:  The  Language  of  the  Salinan  Indians  45 

35.  na-,  purposive. 

na-acak  in  order  to  eat 

n-um-ye"m  that  you  may  know 

na-paLa  let  us  dance 

na-k'a'ltena  they  are  fighting 

Substantive 

A  prefix  of  very  dubious  nature  is  se-.  In  some  cases  it  appears  to 
be  an  independent  auxiliary  verb,  either  preceding  or  following  the 
main  verb.  (Cf.  four  of  the  examples  of  the  conditional  prefix.) 
But  ordinarily  it  precedes  the  verb  and  may  be  considered  either  as 
prefix  or  proclitic.  In  many  cases  it  appears  to  have  a  substantive 
value  and  consequently  is  thus  named,  though  in  many  other  examples 
its  exact  value  is  problematical. 

36.  se-,  substantive. 

se-a'telo  'i  thou  art  my  companion 

se-ke'ra '  no 

se-k-ts'e'p  thus  it  is  worth 

se-ko-ts'e'p  it  is  not  good 

se-k<  -La'm-a-ilak'  they  are  gourmands 

se-k-sa-'teL  they  used  to  speak 

se-ka'  'wu.ox  he  slept 

se-ka'wu-cko"  he  was  sleeping 

se-k'i-cxa'lo- '  he  was  afraid 

se-k'-ce'tep'-Lo  he  was  already  dead 

se-p-astcene"ko  he  lost  it 

se-p-eta"ko  he  must  respect 

se- 'Mma'wu-mo"  and  thou  carriest  it 

se-k-icxa"-u-mo '  they  will  eat  thee 

se-ki-lo'  he  went 

se-cko"  he  remained 

se-p'  -xa'p<  ko  he  dug 

se-k'o'lpax  •  it  sprung  up 

VEEB    STEM 

Following  the  verbal  proclitics,  the  proclitic  subjective  pronoun 
and  the  prefixes  comes  the  verb  stem.  Little  need  be  said  about  this. 
A  complete  list  of  verbal  stems  is  given  in  the  vocabulary.  They  are 
of  many  phonetic  types  and  apparently  of  no  standard  form.  The 
exact  form  of  any  verbal  stem  is  frequently  difficult  to  determine  in 
the  absence  of  numerous  paradigms,  due  to  the  practical  universality 
of  certain  affixes  with  certain  stems.  Thus  it  has  been  impossible  to 
determine  in  many  cases  whether  an  initial  p,  k,  m,  or  t  is  a  part  of  the 
stem  or  not.  Such  dubious  elements  have  ordinarily  been  placed  in 
parentheses  and  all  hapax  legomena  have  been  starred. 


46  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  JSthn.      [Vol.  14 

Verbal  stems  are  varied  by  means  of  infixes  and  suffixes  to  form 
the  plural.  These  have  already  been  treated  under  pluralization 
(p.  22).  Pluralization  of  the  verbal  stem  may  denote  any  form  of 
duplication:  plurality  of  the  subject  or  the  object,  or  iterative, 
habitual  or  repetitive  action.  The  context  generally  determines  the 
exact  meaning. 

A  few  examples  by  Sitjar  suggest  that  a  change  in  the  character 
of  a  stem  vowel  may  denote  the  frequentative : 

p-amofleko  give  alms  frequently        p-amafleko         give  alms 

m-amo"lek  Give  alms  thus!  m-ama*lek          Give  alms! 

OBJECTIVE   PRONOUNS 

Immediately  after  the  verb  stem  follows  the  pronominal  object. 
This  is  expressed  by  suffixing  to  the  verb  stem  pronominal  elements 
more  or  less  closely  related  to  the  other  forms  of  the  personal  pronoun. 
The  combination  seems  to  be  closer  than  in  the  case  of  the  enclitic  sub- 
jective forms.  When  a  personal  pronominal  object  is  indicated  the 
subject  is  always  expressed  by  the  independent  form.  The  objective 
pronouns  of  the  Antoniafio  dialect  are : 

Singular 

1  aic,  hak 

2  ka 

3  o,  ko 

Plural 

1  t'ak 

2  t'kam 

3  ot,  kot,  tko 

The  simple  forms  need  no  explanation : 

p-ale-'l-hak  mo'  thou  asked  me 

p-ale-'l-ka'  he'k  I  asked  thee 

p-ale-'l-ko  mom  you  asked  him 

p-ale-'l-t'ak  heyo"  he  asked  us 

p-ale-'l-t'kam  ha'k  we  asked  you 

p-ale-'l-kot  heyo"t  they  asked  them 

mo'  p-cik 'a'iy-ak  thou  kicked  me 

heyo"  p-cik 'ai'ka  he  kicked  thee 

he'k  p-eik'ai'-ko  I  kicked  him 

heyo"t  p-cik 'ai'l-t 'ak  they  kicked  us 

heyo"  p-cik 'ai'-t'kam  he  kicked  you 

mo'  p-cik 'ai'-ko  heyo"t  thou  kicked  them 

The  forms  of  the  first  and  second  person  require  absolutely  no 
comment  but  those  of  the  third  person  are  more  variable. 


1918]  Mason:  The  Language  of  the  Salinan  Indians  47 

Third  personal  objective  forms  are  -o,  -ko,  -xo,  -tko,  -oi,  ~kot,  -xot, 
-tkot  and  -k.  With  a  few  inexplicable  exceptions,  forms  involving  the 
element  o  are  found  only  in  connection  with  the  verbal  prefix  p-,  those 
ending  in  -k  only  in  connection  with  the  verbal  prefix  A;-. 

The  forms  -o,  -ko  and  -xo  are  probably  phonetic  variants  of  one 
form  and  the  same  may  be  said  for  the  forms  -ot,  -kot  and  -xot: 

p-eta"-ko  he  made  it 

p-ise'1-xo  he  carried  all 

p-axo.'t-o  he  smoked  him  out 

p-eik  'ai'-kot  I  kicked  them 

pesno'-xot  you  heard  them 

p-iam-ot  he  saw  them 

Of  these  the  forms  -ko  and  -kot  are  by  far  the  most  frequent.  Just 
what  is  the  difference  between  the  objective  form  in  -ko  and  that  in 
-o  is  not  clear;  it  is  possible  that  the  forms  in  -xo  are  really  -o  pre- 
ceded by  an  x  of  the  verbal  stem,  but  they  are  unexpectedly  frequent. 

Between  the  singular  and  plural  forms  of  the  third  person  objec- 
tive there  is  considerable  interchange.  It  will  be  noticed  that  the 
differentiating  element  between  the  similar  persons  of  the  different 
numbers  is  in  every  case  the  element  t,  probably  related  to  the  plural 
infix  t  (no.  15).  Thus  it  appears  that  the  forms  of  the  third  person 
singular  may  be  used  optionally  for  the  plural  if  the  third  person 
plural  independent  pronoun  is  added.  The  plural  infix  or  suffix  t  is 
also  more  or  less  optional  when  the  subject  is  plural,  forming  the  suffix 
-tko  or  tkot.  The  following  examples  of  third  personal  objectives  will 
well  illustrate  the  variability  possible: 

ke  'k  p-iam-o  I  saw  him 

ram-p<  -iax-te-ko  then  he  brought  another 

p-t  'a-k<  io'-xo  he  killed  them 

p-eik 'ai'-ko  heyo"t  I  kicked  them 

heyo' '  p'  -iam-aNe'lko  heyo'  't      he  saw  them 

ram-p' -ts 'e-n-tko  he  observes  them 

p-cik  'ai'-tko  I  kicked  them 

p'-ia'm-o't'  they  met  him 

p-esno'-xot  heyo' '  they  heard  him 

mom  p'-yam-ot  heyo"t  you  saw  them 

p-cik  'ai'-kot  he  kicked  them 

Some  of  these  forms  may  be  paradigms  incorrectly  given,  but  the 
mass  of  material  seems  to  show  no  uniformity,  the  third  personal  ele- 
ment ko  or  o  being  used  for  either  number  and  the  pluralizing  element 
t  added  to  form  kot  or  tko  for  either  plural  subject  or  object,  the  inde- 
pendent forms  being  added  in  apposition  in  case  of  possible  confusion. 


48  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  EtJin.      [Vol.  14 

Passive  Forms 

Frequently,  particularly  when  the  pronominal  subject  is  plural 
and  especially  with  an  object  of  the  first  person,  the  passive  construc- 
tion is  preferred  to  the  active.  Generally  either  the  independent  form 
of  the  subjective  accompanies  the  construction  or  else  the  agentive 
phrase  "by  him,"  "by  them"  is  appended. 

The  passive  verbal  complex  requires  the  prefix  k-  instead  of  p- 
and  the  objective  prefixes  end  in  -k  instead  of  in  -o  or  -ko.  The  forms 
are  -aiyik  (-aiyak,  -i'yax)  in  the  singular  and  -t 'aiyik  in  the  plural. 

k-ci'k 'aiy-aiyik  he'k  te  hiyo"t  I  am  kicked  by  them 

heyo'  't  p-cik  'ai'y-ak  they  kick  me 

k-alel-aiyik  mo'  thou  art  asked 

heyo"t  p-ale'1-ka'  they  ask  thee 

ram-male'nt-a'iyax  then  it  was  remembered 

malent-xo  he  remembered  it 

yom-al-t 'aiyik  ha'k  we  were  met 

heyo"t  p-yam-al-t'ak  ha'k  they  saw  us 

k-ale'1-t 'ayik  mom'  ye  are  asked 

heyo'  't  p-ale'1-t  'kam  they  asked  you 

heyo"t  k-ci'k 'ail-taiyik  they  are  kicked 

heyo"t  p-ci'k 'ail-tko  they  kicked  them 


SUFFIXES 

The  elements  of  the  verbal  complex  following  the  stem  and  the 
objective  pronoun  are  rather  difficult  to  classify.  Certain  of  them 
appear  to  be  true  suffixes,  generally  expressing  modal  distinctions 
and  others,  such  as  temporal  qualifiers  and  the  pronominal  subject, 
are  normally  independent  and,  when  combined  in  the  verbal  complex, 
evidently  serve  only  as  enclitics.  Others  appear  to  fall  in  the  class  of 
enclitics  as  regards  their  meaning  but  are  not  found  in  independent 
position.  These  have  arbitrarily  been  classed  as  enclitics.  The  modal 
suffixes  will  first  be  considered. 

There  are  four  elements  which  may  be  considered  as  true  verbal 
suffixes  expressing  various  modal  distinctions.     These   are  passive, 
causative,  and  two  desiderative  forms. 
37.  -a',  (M)  -ap,  passive,  reflexive. 

t-eta-x-a'  which  should  be  done 

ra'm-t'-eta-h-a'  and  it  was  done 

me'-p-am-k-a'  how  you  may  be  killed 

ko-yem-a"  he  was  not  seen 

k-yam-a  he"k  I  was  seen 

mo-t-as-io-a-ko  (S)  thy  being  named 


1918] 


Mason:  The  Language  of  the  Salinan  Indians 


49 


p-esnai'  '-ya 
a'me-t-etax-a'p  (M) 
le-t-etah-a'pu  (M) 
m-ax-ap  (M) 
la'lu-a'p  (M) 
mi's-lip-ap    (M) 


he  was  heard 

and  it  was  done 

when  it  was  done 

climb  up!    (ax  place) 

he  departed  (la'lu-o  leave) 

stinking  (mis  smell) 


38.  -at,  -t,  (-te),  causative. 

yema-t-a-'k    (S) 

am-p-ia-'-t-ko 

yax-te'-k' 

k<-mit'k-a-'t-ek< 

p-aktci-u-at-ak    (S)  they  made  me  thirsty 

p-col-a-'t'  -ko-ten        he  treed  him  again 

m-anem-t-ak  (S)       pardon  me! 

Possibly: 

k-a-'s-et*  he  is  named 


show  me! 

he  sent  them 

bring  him! 

ne  chased  them  off 


p'-iem-et' 

ame-t<  -ya' 

yax 

k<  -mi't  'ik 

k-akca' 

k-COL 
ik-a'nem 

k-a-'s-e 


(S) 


i  will  see  you 

he  went 

come  on! 

I  run 

he  is  thirsty 

he  climbed 

snail  I  remain? 

they  call 


39.  -ce',  desiderative,  substantive. 

The  suffix  -ce'  is  doubtless  related  to  the  prefix  se-  and  is  equally 
difficult  to  analyze  correctly.  A  number  of  cases  undoubtedly  express 
a  substantive  meaning,  identical  with  prefix  se-  when  used  as  a  sub- 
stantive. Yet  others  appear  to  express  some  psychological  idea  such 
as  desire,  generally  being  suffixed  to  verbs  which  are  themselves 
dependent  on  some  verb  of  desire,  thought  or  some  similar  concept. 
It  is  therefore  not  a  true  desiderative.  It  is  quite  possible  that  both 
here  and  in  the  case  of  prefix  se-  the  substantive  forms  should  be 
eliminated  and  placed  in  a  separate  category  as  constituting  a  different, 
though  homonymous  element. 


ctelwa"-l-e"k-ce'< 

ka-'wiya-k'  -ce' 

kauya-c-e'k 

ta'me-la-'p'-se-to'  (M) 

p-alox-he'  'k-ce ' 

p-alox-nel-kek-ce 

p-alxo-ce' 

p-aLxo-xek-ce 

ram-ko-'-neka  '-ce ' 

ta-a-'mela-'i-ce' 

p-i-se-'lxo-k'sa'-ce' 

ku-t<  ia.'-t<  -ia  '-lo-'-ce ' 

ram-k'  tr-ts  'e-'nu  '-k<  sa-lo-'ce ' 

p-a-ke'  'n-u-k'  sa-lo-'ce ' 

malentxo-ce' 


I  am  getting  to  be  an  old  man 

it  is  very  hot 

I  am  hot 

and  there  was  the  raven  again 

a  desire,  I  desire 

desires 

a  desire 

I  would  like  to  (but  can  't) 

he  did  not  wish  to 

(he  wanted)  them  to  be  killed 

(he  tried  to  carry)  them  all 

he  did  not  wish  to  go  yet 

then  he  was  very  contented 

he  thought  that 

he  remembers 


50  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 

40.  -ya',  desiderative. 

The  suffix  -ya'  is  a  rather  dubious  and  rare  suffix  but  the  few  exam- 
ples of  it  found  seem  to  carry  a  desiderative  significance. 

ra-ko"-icxai'-ya'  that  it  did  not  wish  to  dawn  yet 

kwa-'haliya  f  I  wish  to  kill 

ki'-at  '-ya-lo-he'  'k  I  wish  to  go  now 

te-ce'tep'-ya'  he  was  as  if  dead 

ko-citip'-yA'  he  did  not  die 

k-iyax-eL-yi  they  wish  to  come 


ENCLITICS 

There  are  six  particles  of  varied  significance  which  are  never  found 
in  independent  position  but  always  suffixed  to  a  verb  or,  rarely,  to 
some  other  part  of  speech.  These  might  possibly  be  considered  as 
verbal  suffixes  were  it  not  that  their  meanings  are  rather  different 
from  those  of  the  true  verbal  suffixes  and  more  akin  to  those  of  the 
true  enclitics.  These  may  be  termed  the  quasi-enclitics ;  they  express 
modal  and  temporal  qualifications.  The  true  proclitics,  which  are 
normally  found  in  independent  position  are  the  tense  elements  and 
the  pronominal  subject. 

Quasi-enclitics 

41.  -ten',  (M)  ton',    iterative. 

The  verbal  suffix  or  enclitic  -ten'  in  Antoniafio,  -ton'  in  Migueleiio 
is  doubtless  akin  to  the  nominal  plural  ten'  (no.  8)  and  indicates 
"again,"  "another." 

ra-ke'ra'-te'n'-lo'  (he  told  them)  that  there  was  no  more 

p-a-'lxo-teN  I  want  more 

ka-'u-ten'  he  also  slept 

k'-t'o'xo-ke-teN  he  was  also  a  murderer 

p'  -Ne'  'ewu-teN  he  seized  him  again 

ko-citip-ten '  he  did  not  die  again 

na'lye-ton'  (M)  they  await  another 

ne'lj-to'N   (M)  he  also  seized  it 

noi'yo'ton'  (M)  he  went  to  gather  again 

42.  -ts'e,  iterative. 

The  verbal  enclitic  -ts'e  appears  to  mean  also  "again,"  "another," 
and  the  difference  in  meaning  from  -ten'  is  not  apparent. 

ra'm'-ecxa-i-ts'e  it  dawned  again 

ra'm-t'  -ia-ts  'e  he  went  again 

ra-m-sma'k'ai-ts'e  and  it  became  night  again 

ra'm-t'i-cko-ts'e  and  he  was  there  again 


1918]  Mason:  The  Language  of  the  Salinan  Indians  51 

ta'm-tiea-k-ts'e'  and  he  began  again 

p-eta"ako-ts'e'  he  did  (evil)  again 

ca-ke-ni'-ts'i  they  aimed  again 

k'a-'ltena-lo-ts'  we  will  fight  again 

no'<-k<e-ts'a  (M)  1  first 

p' -mat 'axo-tsa  I  used  to  tamp  them 

p-ya-'m-ts'e  I  used  to  look 

43.  -fia,  distributive. 

The  enclitic  fia'  means  "each,"  "every"  and  when  suffixed  to 
verbs  gives  to  them  a  distributive  significance. 

k-otco-xna-gas-t'ia'  he  ran  dripping 

te-to"m-t<io'  wherever  it  dropped 

t'oL-t'ia  every  one 

44.  -an,  (M)  -ani,  expletive. 

An  enclitic  -an  or  -ani  is  frequently  suffixed  to  imperative  and 
other  forms  of  verbs,  apparently  as  a  mere  expletive,  though  it  may 
be  akin  to  the  future  particle.  It  is  frequently  translated  by  the 
Spanish  "pues. " 

ya'x-tek '-cm  well,  let  it  come! 

ts'ep'-ct.n  well,  good! 

m-i'cxo'-ha"kt-a'N  it  is  better  that  thou  eat  me 

ma 'we-'xe '-an-k<  sa"  place  thyself  firmly! 

ka'xaw-an  they  slept 

xai-pa'ko-a'Ni    (M)  well,  impel   thyself! 

There  remain  two  quasi-enclitics  which  appear  to  refer  to  tense ; 
at  least  the  examples  of  them  suggest  no  uniformity  except  that  of 
past  intransitive  tense.  The  main  tense  signs  are  independent  adverbs 
and  only  sporadically  enclitic,  while  these  two  forms  appear  never  to 
occur  independently  or  to  be  related  to  any  independent  adverbial 
form.  They  partake  therefore  of  the  nature  of  enclitics  and  are  occa- 
sionally suffixed  to  other  parts  of  speech  than  verbs.  No  difference 
between  them  has  been  discerned. 

45.  -tek',  (M)  -tek,  past  intransitive. 

,  ce'tep-te'k'  he  died 

ce'tep'-na'as-te'k'  he  died 

ke'ra'-te'k'-ksa  he  was  not  seen 

ts'a'telo-m-tek'-k'sa'  it  became  cold 

t'o'loinox-tek'  it  is  finished 

ta'mi-ya.-tek  (M)  he  went  (to  bring) 

ta'mi-yax-tek   (M)  I  came 

tame-xwe-n-tek  he  arrived 

tame-lam-tek  and  he  ate 

The  enclitic  -to'  is  found  principally  in  the  Migueleiio  dialect. 


52  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.      [Vol.  14 

46.  -to,  (M)  -to',  past  intransitive. 

raM-t<  -ia-'-to  soon  he  went 

t<  i-k-iya-'-to  who  knows  where  they  went 

p-ecxai'-to '"   (M)  it  dawned 

me-p-ecxad-to'   (M)  in  the  morning 

ta'me-lam-tek-t'  oe   (M)  and  I  ate 

tame-nal-k<  e'-t<  o '   (M)  I  filled  myself 

ki-ke.'to'    (M)  I  went 

neij-k'e-to'   (M)  he  went  to  fetch 

toi'x-to'  (M)  another 

Tense  Enclitics 

Absolute  tense  is  normally  expressed  in  Salinan  by  means  of  inde- 
pendent adverbial  particles.  These  normally  follow  the  verb  and 
frequently  are  interposed  between  the  preceding  verb  stem  and  the 
following  enclitic  pronominal  subject;  in  this  case  the  three  are  fre- 
quently combined  by  elision  into  a  single  complex.  The  same  particles 
are  frequently  suffixed  to  other  parts  of  speech  and  give  to  them  the 
same  qualifications  of  tense. 

Past  tense  is  normally  expressed  by  the  particle  le-16,  le-lu-,  lei,  lo', 
(M)  le-161 '.  This  is  generally  reduced  in  the  enclitic  forms. 

47.  -lo,  -le',  -leu',  -1-,  past  tense. 

ki-lo-he"k  I  went 

ki-he"k-lo  I  went 

ki-l-e"k  I  went 

ra-ko-t' -ia-'-lo  and  they  did  not  go 

ko'-yema  '-lo'  they  did  not  find  him 

k<  -ce-'pa  '-lo'1  he  became  afraid 

p-yam-hek-lelo  I  saw  her  before 

k-amt'e-1-ek  now  I  can  hunt 

nap<-Le"   (M)  he  cooked   this 

kewe-ts'na-le"    (M)  he  comes  shouting 

sekelelep-le'ij '   (M)        .  he  enveloped  it 

yent<  xo-le'lj '  (M)  he  almost  overtook  him 

ki'y ax-leu'  (M)  he  is  coming 

Some  instances  of  the  same  enclitic  suffixed  to  words  other  than 
verbs  are : 

k'Lu'wa-16  long  ago 

ha"k-lo  now  from  henceforth 

ke'ra'-lo  there  is  no  more 

k'o'nxa-lo'  it  was  already  late 

ma-keu-leL  where  they  were 

rump*  a-ke/u-lo-ta '  there  where  he  is 

lo.'ra '  already 

ctelwa'  '-1-e  'k-ee'<  I  am  an  old  man  already 


1918]  Mason:  The  Language  of  the  tsalinan  Indians  53 

Present  time  is  normally  not  expressed  in  the  verbal  complex; 
when  required  it  is  denoted  by  the  independent  adverb  taha  or  to,-, 
(M)  tana' '.  The  idea  expressed  seems  to  be  that  of  proximate  time, 
either  just  passed  or  approaching.  Very  rarely  is  this  element  found 
as  a  verbal  enclitic  in  the  form  of  -ta. 

48.  -ta,  present  tense. 

ki-yax-ta  he  is  coming  now 

hek-ta-p-iam-o  I  am  going  to  see  him 

k<  -yam-o-l-ek-ta  I  saw  him  just  now 

In  combination  with  other  parts  of  speech  it  occurs  also : 

me-sma'kai-ta  tonight 

na-ta.-sma'kai  tonight 

me-ko'nxa-ta  this  afternoon 

Future  time  is  expressed  by  the  adverb  no-no,  or  non.  appearing 
as  enclitic  in  the  verbal  complex  in  the  form  no  or  n. 

49.  -no,  -n-,  future  tense. 

kI-'-n-e'k<  I  am  going 

ki'-no-hek  I  am  going 

ki-he'k-no  I  am  going 

tc 'a-'uye '-no"  they  seek  him 

te-t*  -iya-no''  in  order  to  go 

ake-t<me-'-ke'-no'<  where  are  you  going? 

nap'-no'na    (M)  it  is  cpoked 

xa-ta-no-k'e"   (M)  i  am  going  to  weep 

p-a'mtak-no'    (M)  he  will  seize  them 

ki'yax-no"    (M)  there  he   comes 

pt'eka--n-ek  heyo"  he  will  kill  me 

pt 'eka-n-he"kiyax  he  win  kill  you 

pt'eka-n   he"k  I  will  kill  him 

me-'to-n-e'k'  I  will  try  it 

tas-k-co'une.-n-ek'  i  am  going  to  kindle  it 

ki--n-e"k<  I  go 

The  same  particle  is  also  found  suffixed  to  other  parts  of  speech : 

ka's-no  just  now 

k<  Lu'wa  '-no'-p<  a  little  time  passed 

A  more  or  less  dubious  particle  which  apparently  denotes  future 
time,  possibly  more  distant  than  no  is  mas. 

50.  -mas,  future  tense. 

hek-mas-p-yam-o  I  will  see 

ke'ra  '-mas-ko-licxai' '  it  will  not  rain  forever 

xa'ta-mas-he'k  I  will  weep 


54  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.      [Vol.14 

A  few  uniform  examples  secured  by  Henshaw  from  the  Migueleno 
dialect  suggest  that  position  may  be  of  some  importance  in  the  deter- 
mination of  tense.  Thus  in  several  examples  the  pronoun  is  suffixed 
for  the  present  tense  and  prefixed  for  the  past.  It  is  a  question  how 
much  reliance  is  to  be  placed  on  this  material. 

seku-ke-meka  I  am  talking  ke-seku-meka  I  was  talking 

hati-ke-meka  I  am  crying  ke-maka-hata  I  was  crying 

kaka-ke-maka  I  am  singing  ke-maka-kaka          I  was  singing 

In  the  material  of  Sitjar  and  Henshaw  many  verb  endings  are 
found  which  are  not  explicable  by  any  of  the  above  rules  and  do  not 
appear  to  be  parts  of  the  verb  stem.  A  few  such  examples  are  also 
found  in  the  present  textual  material.  It  has  been  necessary  to  dis- 
regard these  sporadic  irregularities  since  not  sufficient  examples  of 
any  instance  have  been  found  to  warrant  formulation  and  inclusion 
here  would  only  tend  to  confuse  the  work  of  Salinan  comparisons. 

ENCLITIC  PRONOMINAL  SUBJECT 

As  has  before  been  remarked,  the  pronominal  subject,  in  independ- 
ent position  and  form,  normally  follows  the  verb.  But  in  rapid  speech 
tense  adverbs  and  the  pronominal  subject  tend  to  become  abbreviated 
and  to  coalesce  with  the  verb  stem,  forming  a  complex.  Practically, 
this  phenomenon  is  limited  to  the  first  person  singular  which  is  abbre- 
viated to  -ek.  The  first  personal  plural  form  does  not  seem  to  abbre- 
viate to  -ak,  possibly  to  avoid  confusion  with  the  first  personal  singular 
objective  pronoun  -ak.  The  forms  of  the  second  person,  commencing 
as  they  do  with  a  consonant,  are  not  susceptible  of  abbreviation  and 
the  third  personal  pronominal  subjective  forms  are  ordinarily  not 
expressed. 

ctelwa"-l-e'k-ce  I  am  an  old  man  already 

tas-k-co'une.-n-ek'  but  I  will  kindle  it 


ADVERBS 

Independent  adverbs  play  an  important  part  in  Salinan,  owing  to 
the  paucity,  in  the  verbal  complex,  of  particles  expressing  adverbial 
concepts.  Thus  most  of  the  locative  and  temporal  relations  are 
expressed  by  independent  adverbs.  Lists  of  these  adverbs  will  be 
found  in  the  vocabulary.  In  a  few  cases  adverbs  are  composed  with 
prefixes;  these  will  be  given  below. 


1918]  Mason:  The  Language  of  the  Salinan  Indians  55 

TEMPOEAL   ADVEBBS 

A  particle  me-  when  prefixed  to  temporal  nouns  or  adverbs  denotes 
time  when.  It  is  undoubtedly  the  same  element  as  the  verbal  prefix 
me-  "when,"  (no.  19). 

51.  (19)  me-,  time  when. 

me-t  'oL-to'kena'-ten  another  day 

me'-t'ol-lice"  the  following  year 

me-Lpa'L  in  the  summer 

me'-smakai  tonight 

me-ko'nxa'  this  afternoon 

me'-ecxai  in  the  morning 

me-t'oL-ten  the  next  time 

me'-t  'oL-k  'we'L  another  time 

t<  a'CNe'L-me'  sometimes 


Similarly  a  nominal  prefix  no-  appears  to  denote  definite  time  in 
the  past. 

52.  no-,  time  when  (past). 

no-ko'nxa'  yesterday 

no-icxai'  '  this   morning 

no-wa.na"  yesterday  morning 

no-tcieyo  yesterday 

no-p'a'  day  before  yesterday 


LOCATIVE   ADVEKBS 

Locative  constructions  are  expressed  in  three  ways. 

The  broader  and  more  general  relations  expressed  by  many  Eng- 
lish prepositions  are  in  Salinan  expressed  by  an  independent  or  procli- 
tic particle  tu  (less  often  te,  ti),  evidently  related  to  the  prepositional 
te.  In  such  cases  it  means  "in,"  "on,"  "from,"  "onto,"  "upon," 
"to,"  "by,"  "up,"  "into,"  "over,"  "within,"  etc.  Either  rest  or 
motion  is  implied.  In  many,  possibly  most  cases,  it  appears  as  turn, 
rarely  as  tumd,  the  difference  in  meaning  from  tu  being  not  evident. 

The  second  class  of  locative  constructions  comprises  the  more  gen- 
eral locative  adverbs  such  as  "here"  and  "there." 

The  third  class  comprises  the  more  definite  adverbs,  generally 
expressed  by  prepositions  in  English,  such  as  "down,"  "beneath," 
"beside,"  "within,"  etc.  Lists  of  both  of  these  classes  are  given  in 
the  vocabulary.  Many  of  these  are  nominal  in  character  and  require 
a  locative  adverbial  or  prepositional  prefix.  These  prefixes  seem  to 
be  varying  combinations  of  four  elements:  tu  (ru  or  ti),  ma,  um 
and  pa. 


56 


University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 


53.  ma-,  place  whither,  place  where. 

ma-le-mo'  over,  above 

ma-la-'k'o  at  the  foot,  below 

ma-t-ika'ko  up 

ma-t-icxe'wu  at  the  foot 

ma-t'uLni  on  the  hill 

ma,-swida  to  the  city 

ma-ke'u  to  where  they  were 

ma-te-mo'  on  the     house 

ma-k'e'weL  to  the  north 

ma-pxa'nol  at  the  south 

ma/  there 


54.  tuma-,  place  ivhither. 

tu-ma-kLi-he" 
tu-ma-k  'e-'nax 


down 

whither  I  had  come 


55.  um-,  place  where. 

um-te'ma 
um-titc  V  'ma 
um-le'saM 
um-la-'mka 
em-k  'we'L 
em-t'ka'teno 


in  my  house 
on  his  back 
at  Morro 
at  the  beach 
through  the  world 
on  the  buttocks 


56.  turn-,  rum-,  hom-,  place  where. 

rum-t'ca"  in  the  water 

hom-t<  -a"ako  on  his  head 

tum-tetoke'u  from  there 

tum-tce'N  outside 


57.  umpa-,  rumpa-,  tumpa-,  place  ivhither,  place  where. 

umpa-k 'e'e-nax  where  I  came 

umpa-f  k-o'ma  at,  to  your  houses 

umpa.-tc'a"  to  the  water 

ump<  a-ka-le-lu-  where  you  were 

tumpa,  rumpa  there,  thither 


58.  tu-,  ru-,  place  whither. 
tu-wr ' 

tu-wi-tce'n 
ti-sk  'am 


hither 
outside 
close  by 


1918]  Mason:  The  Language  of  the  Salinan  Indians  57 


OTHER  PARTS  OF  SPEECH 
PEEPOSITIONS 

The  connective  prepositional  relations,  as  distinguished  from  the 
locative  prepositional  relations  are  expressed  by  the  omnipresent 
particle  te.  This  is  most  frequently  translated  by  the  English  preposi- 
tion "to,"  but  also  by  "of,"  "from,"  "with,"  "in,"  "by,"  "than," 
' '  that, "  "  for, ' '  and  others.  It  expresses  most  of  the  oblique  case  rela- 
tions of  the  Latin  genitive,  dative  and  ablative,  the  infinitive  and 
participial  relations,  besides  following  most  verbs  of  thinking,  desiring, 
trying,  beginning,  ceasing,  ability,  knowing,  purpose,  etc.  Its  normal 
form  seems'  to  be  te  or  ti,  but  the  vowel  is  very  often  assimilated  to  the 
vowel  of  the  following  stem  as  ta,  to  or  tu.  It  similarly  often  combines 
with  the  particle  pe  to  tup  and  with  the  pronoun  mo  to  turn.  Examples 
of  its  use  are  innumerable  in  the  texts.  They  include  such  construc- 
tions as : 

He    finished    from   work  We  began  to  shoot 

I  wish  to  eat  I  told  him  to  do  it 

I  shot  with  an  arrow  I  think  that  he  will  come 

You  know  it  to  be  bad  Better  man  than  you 

In  order  to  sleep  It  was  given  for  her 

Why  did  he  go?  He  came  to  us 

Some  of  my  arrows  Go  with  him 

Was  killed  by  them  I  am  able  to  shoot 

He  tried  to  run  Makes  no  difference  to  me 
It  is  full  of  atole 


ADJECTIVES 

As  in  the  case  of  many  or  most  American  languages,  the  adjective 
partakes  very  largely  of  the  character  of  the  verb  and  might  possibly 
be  considered  as  a  verb,  though  lacking  many  typically  verbal  func- 
tions. Thus  "blue  flower,"  "strong  man,"  "warm  day"  are  syntac- 
tically rather  "the  flower  is  blue,"  "the  man  is  strong,"  "the  day  is 
warm."  Adjectival  roots  thus  normally  bear  the  intransitive  verbal 
prefix  k  and  are  susceptible  of  change  to  denote  the  singular  or  plural 
number  to  agree  with  their  qualified  noun.  They  lack  the  tense-mode 
affixes  peculiar  to  verbs. 


58  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 

Several  good  examples  of  the  inter-relation  between  adjectival  and 
other  stems  are : 

k-i/sil-e'  all 

p-i-se-'l-xo  (carried)  all 

m-isil-i  (tell)    all! 

k-ecxo'n-e  poor 

p-ecxo'n-ect  it  pains  you 

tet-ecxo'n-i'  the  poor   one 

In  two  of  these  cases  an  adjectival  suffix  -e  appears  to  be  present ; 
this  is  not  found  in  a  sufficient  number  of  examples  to  warrant  its 
formulation  as  a  rule.  A  large  number  of  apparently  adjectival  stems 
are  given  in  the  appended  vocabulary. 

DEMONSTEATIVES 

The  principal  demonstratives  "this,"  "that,"  "these,"  "those," 
are  employed  very  frequently,  pe,  "that,"  "those"  generally  serving 
as  equivalent  to  the  English  definite  or  indefinite  article.  They  are 
invariable  in  form  as  regards  number.  Full  lists  will  be  given  in  the 
vocabulary. 

CONJUNCTIONS 

Conjunctions  or  connectives  are  of  considerable  importance  in 
Salinan  and  frequently  used.  They  are  generally  prefixed  as  procli- 
tics. A  list  of  them  will  be  found  in  the  vocabulary. 


1918]  Mason:  The  Language  of  the  Salinan  Indians  59 


PART  III.  TEXTS 

The  texts  following  are  appended  as  material  illustrative  of  con- 
nected Salinan  speech.  Interlinear  translations  are  given  following 
as  closely  as  possible  the  sense  and  order  of  the  Salinan  original,  and 
free  translations  are  appended  for  a  fuller  understanding  of  the  con- 
text, and  because  of  the  interest  they  bear  to  mythological  and  folk- 
lore studies.  Both  the  dialects  of  San  Antonio  and  of  San  Miguel  are 
represented,  the  former  composing  the  first  part  and  the  majority  of 
the  material. 

The  Migueleno  texts  were  all  taken  in  1916  from  Maria  Ocarpia, 
an  elderly  woman  living  at  the  "reservation"  at  the  foot  of  Santa 
Lucia  Peak,  a  little  north  of  San  Antonio  Mission.  All  of  the  texts 
secured  from  her  are  original  and  the  great  majority  are  of  myth- 
ological importance.  It  is  doubtful  if  the  dialect  is  represented  in  its 
aboriginal  purity,  but  undoubtedly  no  better  material  is  securable  at 
present. 

The  Antoniailo  texts  are  a  more  heterogeneous  body.  First  in  order 
in  the  following  material  are  the  texts  of  David  Mora,  a  pure  Anton- 
iafio  Indian.  These  also  probably  represent  as  pure  a  dialect  as  is 
procurable  at  present.  These  texts  supply  the  bulk  of  the  material 
and  are  for  the  most  part  original,  and  of  considerable  mythological 
interest.  Two  texts  at  the  end  of  this  group  were  translated  into 
Salinan  by  the  informant  from  the  Spanish  originals  taken  from  Juan 
Quintana,  an  aged  Indian  unavailable  for  linguistic  purposes.  They 
are  of  mythological  value  but  the  native  form  and  syntax  can  not  be 
above  suspicion  of  Spanish  influence. 

The  balance  of  the  material  was  given  by  Pedro  and  Maria  Encin- 
ales,  members  of  the  best  known  surviving  Salinan  family.  The  father, 
Eusabio  Encinales,  was  of  the  San  Antonio  group  but  the  mother,  Per- 
fecta,  belonged  to  the  other  division  and  spoke  Migueleno.  It  is  gen- 
erally admitted  that  the  language  spoken  by  the  children  is  rather 
hybrid  and  must  therefore  not  be  taken  as  a  standard.  Moreover  they 
are  quite  ignorant  of  stories  of  mythological  value.  First  in  this  group 
are  a  series  of  texts,  mostly  short,  given  by  Maria  Encinales.  They 
were  translated  into  Salinan  from  the  Spanish  of  Juan  Quintana  and 
are  included  because  of  their  mythological  value  and  because  voluntary 


60  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 

text  material  was  rather  scanty.  But  they  should  not  be  regarded 
as  standard.  Last  are  a  series  of  texts  secured  from  Pedro  Encinales, 
the  first  informant  used.  All  but  one  of  these  were  secured  in  the 
fall  of  1910  in  San  Francisco,  the  one  exception  being  secured  in  1916. 
Most  of  them  were  voluntary  but  only  a  few  of  any  mythological  inter- 
est. Three  were  translated  from  mythological  texts  secured  from  other 
linguistic  groups  and  already  used  several  times  in  similar  circum- 
stances with  other  Californian  languages. 

The  reader  is  referred  to  page  186  of  the  author's  ethnological 
paper  for  a  discussion  of  Salinan  mythology.  In  the  appended  mytho- 
logical material  the  importance  of  cosmogonical  legends  is  again 
demonstrated,  an  interesting  point  being  the  widely  variant  forms 
which  a  myth  may  assume  even  among  closely  related  and  contiguous 
groups,  as  witness  the  variant  forms  for  the  "Beginning  of  the 
World,"  "The  Theft  of  Fire"  and  other  myths  of  this  type.  These 
kinds  of  myths  are  of  widespread  occurrence  on  the  Pacific  Coast. 
Apparently  of  more  local  interest  are  the  incidents,  evidently  parts 
of  an  important  culture  epic,  relating  the  adventures  of  the  culture 
heroes,  Prairie-Falcon  and  Raven,  in  ridding  the  country  of  maleficent 
characters.  The  explanatory  element,  already  referred  to  in  the 
former  paper,  is  again  well  exemplified  in  the  accompanying  material. 


DIALECT  OF  SAN  ANTONIO 
PEAIEIE-FALCON,  EAVEN  AND   COYOTE  is 

kLa'p-ai         /?ehiyo-'t         ra^mt'  ia-'teL         xo't'Lop'          rorpt'e-mo' 
Are  three        the  they.         Then  went  they,         passed        by  his  house. 

ra-'mt'e'i          belk'a'        k'ts'e'ik'  nacte-lwa"  k'  cau  Vena-'ni 

Then  said        the  coyote,         "Go  see         this  old  man,         is  dancer! 

polo'x         tato-'ki         po'lox         ra'mteta'k'         ka'c-el         orsmahate'L 
Enter         within !          Enter ! ' '         Then  said,         ' '  Sit  down,         beauties !  ' ' 

ra'mt'6  pa-ta"  '§nts'e/'en  ro/3ata-'ma'  sniahate'L 

Then  said,         "Dance         in  order  to  see         by  the  men         beautiful." 

ra'mt'e'6  af  ctelwa"le'k  ce'me-'tone'k'  a"a-mko 

Then  said,         "All  right,         old  man  already  I.         Try  will  I  if  can 

ti'ca-'wena-ni  ka-'wiyak'  ce '  na'taa'  taskco'une-nek' 

to  dance.  Hot  is  now,  but  kindle  will  I. 

ra"me-t  ripa-'ta  ra'mpet'e-ko  tetsV'wu         ra'mtica-k' 

Then  try         to   dance."         Then   straightened         his   tail,         then   lifted 

is  Told  by  David  Mora,  1916.     Cf.  Ethnology,  p.  193. 


1918]  Mason:  The  Language  of  the  Salinan  Indians  61 

tipa-'ta       pike'le-ntxo       me'ca-k'         tupke-'wu       ita-ma       sk'amksa" 
to  dance.         Whirled  around         continually         to  where         men,         close  more 

me'ca-k'  tuptuhe'nu  peta-ma"  t'ka'teno  becuwa' 

continually         to  their  faces         the  men  his  anus         the  skunk. 

ra'mteta'k  yax  rask'a'm  ksa  yaxten  k'sa 

Then   said,         "Come         to   close         more!         Come   again         more 

rask'a-'mk'sa'  we'tenk'sa"  pa-'lxo          tep'a'lo          ramha'la' 

to  close  more!"         ?         Wished         to  fire.         Then  threw 

tu/3eka-'wi  tc'xa"  ke'na-yok'  k'sa'  emk' cu-'lukne 

with  the  hot         stone.         Hit  him         more         so  that  entered  hole. 

ra'me'het'e/nxa'         ra'mtV6        aha'         peLk'a"         xomo"         Iwa" 
Then  ran  around.         Then  said,         "Yes!         The   coyote        bad        man! 

xai'ya'        tema-'t'u       ra'mt' xwene-lax        pese-mta'N        '  amte/?eck  'an 
Many       to  kill!"       Then  arrived  they       the  children.       Then  said  the  hawk, 

semta'N  teskl-'ntui'  me'na'ko  tuksu'nun  kara'mas 

"Children,         to  be  thin         why         your  legs!         Not  more, 

ko'tap'e-L        name-'n          ra'me-ti'          teta-'poi 'y«x          peticxe-ple'to 
not  fill        this  hand!"         Then  tested         to  feel        their  feet. 

amko'tapeL  ra'mtetaijnlaik'  rake'ra 'ten 'lo'  kera-lo" 

And  not  filled.         Then  said         to  not  again  already,         not  already. 

ra'mMot'oxo          ra'mplei-t'  xo  ramtoki  kwa-'pr  nia'lo-L 

Then  squeezed  them,         then  threw  them         to  within         sweathouse.         Flew 

taa'so        rumto-'ki        taa'u'        ra'mtetak'         peLk'a'        ma"nten'riN 
helplessly      to  within       fire.       Then  told       the  coyote,       "Come  also  here!" 

ra'mti       tame'na'ko       ti'ya'ten'       te-'le'       po'xra'       ramko'neka 'ce ' 
Then  said,     "Then  why     to  go  also?"     "Hurry!     Enter!"     Then  not  obeyed. 

ra'mtispa'lax          kli"yai'yax          rurato-'ke          taa'u'          amkLo-'L 

Then  seized,         threw         to  within         fire.         Then  burnt 

ro/3e          belk'a          xomo'lwa'        pa-'lxo          ra'a'mela'i          terete' 
by    the      the    coyote.      Bad    man!      Desired      to    be    killed.      Therefore    said, 

polo'x         ko'te'ik'sa'         xomo"         Iwa"         pa-'lxo         taa'mela-'ice ' 
"Enter!"         Not  said  more.         Bad  man!         Desired  that  be  killed 

yo"u  ra'Mt'ia-teL        ramko'lo-li'       t'ia"         bela"      pe'snai'yax 

he.          Then  went  they,         then  played  flute.         Went         the  raven.         Heard 
a'ha-ti'  tu^tulola'iyo  bela"  ra'mte'ta'k  taa'steN 

music         of  his  flute         the  raven.         Then  said,         "What  again 
no'vi'         k  Vines       ta-koi'yu'       nuk'a'xa-t'i         Iwa"         ra^ke'rum' 
this  which         cried!         Not  it         is  music         man!         Then  wherefrom 

ke-no'xo  pek'a'xa-te  teti'cupax  k'sa  peaha-ti" 

comes  the  music?"  To  hear  more  the  music. 

ramko'tictok'sa'          ra'ke          rakot'ia-lo          ra'ke          SC'NJ'        kas 
Then  not  seen  more     anywhere;     to  not  go  already     anywhere;     walked     only 


62  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.      [Vol.  14 

tepa'sia-lten'       yo'        k'a'le'p        bela"        ramku'yema'        akaa-'su 
to  stroll  again.     He     lost  himself     the  raven.     Then  not  was  seen.     "What  think 

me'na'ku       tika'lep       ramktc 'a-'uye '       ramko'yema 'M       kete-ke"wu 
why         to  lose?"         Then  sought,         then  not  found         went  where. 

tc 'a-'uye'  me'ca-k  yo'  ram-ale-'nta 'iyax  teno-'nanax 

Sought         continually         he.         Then  remembered         to  collect 

pet' axa-'yuxten  tc 'a-'uye'  no'  t'a-penya'  yora'M 

the  bears.  Sought  ?  gathering.  He  then 

ta'na-ta 'iyax  teho't'ap'  ca-xa'ta  ca-ke"nu  t'ia" 

allowed  them         to  pass.         "Open  mouth!"         Pointed,         went. 

ra-'mp' iaxteko      t'oLten'       ca-xa'ta'       p'ca-'ke'nu      t'ia"       pexwe'n 
Then   brought       another.       "Open   mouth!"        Pointed,       went        the   arrive. 

xot'o'p         yaxte'k'ten         t'oL         ra'mt'e'          peselo-T          k  Vines 
Passed.         "Bring   another         one!"         Then    told         the    mouse,         shouted 

t'iya'x          ra'mt'e '          ka'xai          telwane'         ra'ts'am-is  CO-'UL 

to  come.       Then  said,       "Afraid!       Strong!"       Then  shouted,       climbed  up, 

t'ia'x        telwane'         ka-mxwe'n         petaxai"        ra'mt'i'         peselo-'i' 
came         strong.         Arrived         the  bear.         Then  said         the  mouse, 

ka'xk'o'       na'        setelwane'        a'mca-ke-ni        a'mt'e'ta'k        ea-xa'ta' 
"Careful!      This      is  strong!"      Then  pointed,      then  said,      "Open  mouth!" 

ra'mt'i'  te'peN  tu'le-t  ka"a-mko  te'ca-'xata' 

Then  said,         "Hurts         tooth!         Not  able         to  open   mouth." 

ra'mca-ke-ni'tsT  ca-xa'ta'  skomo"  gas  amk'ne'ka' 

Then  pointed  again.         "Open  mouth         little         only!"         Then  obeyed; 

peta"ko  k'su-'lukni  ka'skumu  petee'lko  a'mteta'k 

made         opening         only  small         the  his  mouth.         Then  said, 

a"imya"  ra'mhala'  umckVyu  Lk  Vlt' epak' sat' ya' 

"Go  ahead!"         Then  used         his  talons;         went  rolling  down. 

'amteta'k       beselo-'i        ma 'a"        cko"ra'        mo'piem'6'        tumti-"u 
Then  told      the  mouse,     "Carry  him!     Is  here!     Thou  knowest     thy  ability." 

ki'ca-k  ma'a-'wu  pi-se-'lxo  k'sa'ce'  ramko'pa-mko 

Went         carried         all         more.         Then  not  could; 

ke<£tc'  o-'plo'         ra-'mp' ts 'e-'ntko        emk'we'L         akaa-'so         o'yema' 
tired  already.         Then  watches         in  world         who         sees. 

ra'mp' ia-'mo         betoo'wu         k'so-'menxa'          ko'la'le          toptoo'wu 
Then  sees  the  his  face  stretched.  Ashamed  of  his  face. 

rume'pia-'mo          ramko'niyi'          tetia"  make'ewu          bexai'ya' 

Then  sees  it;  then  afraid  to  go  where  they  the  many. 

ra-'mpox  ru^to'ke  k'af  ko'ho-ma'  to<£tolola  'iyu 

Then  enters         to  within         grass,         hides         of  his  shame. 

ko'iyema  'lo'          gas         yo'loptiat'a'iyo 
Not  is  seen  already         only.         He  went  away. 


1918]  Mason:  The  Language  of  the  Salman  Indians  63 

The  three  friends  Prairie-Falcon,  Eaven  and  Coyote  passed  by  the 
house  of  Skunk.  Then  Coyote  said,  ' '  Let 's  go  in  and  see  this  old  man, 
the  dancer.  Come  on  in ! "  He  wanted  Skunk  to  kill  them.  They 
went  inside  and  Skunk  said,  ' '  Sit  down,  my  good  fellows ! ' '  Then  said 
Coyote,  "Please  dance,  so  that  these  gentlemen  may  see  it."  Skunk 
said,  "All  right;  I  am  getting  pretty  old,  but  I'll  try  to  dance.  But 
it 's  very  hot ;  I  '11  light  the  fire  and  then  try  to  dance ! ' '  Then  he 
straightened  his  tail  out,  lifted  it  and  began  to  dance.  He  whirled 
around,  continually  bringing  his  anus  closer  to  the  faces  of  the  friends. 
"Come  closer!"  he  cried.  "Come  closer!"  For  he  wished  to  shoot 
his  poison  at  them.  Then  Kaven  threw  a  hot  stone  at  him  so  that  it 
entered  his  anus.  He  ran  around  in  pain.  Then  he  cried  out,  "Yes, 
this  Coyote  is  a  bad  man;  many  has  he  killed."  Then  he  died. 

Then  came  the  children  of  Skunk  who  were  little  birds.  Prairie- 
Falcon  said,  "Children,  why  are  your  legs  so  thin?  They  wouldn't 
fill  my  hand ! ' '  He  seked  their  legs  to  feel  them  and  they  did  not  fill 
his  hand.  "No,"  he  said,  "there  is  no  more."  He  seized  them  tight 
and  threw  them  into  the  sweathouse.  Blindly  they  flew  around  into 
the  fire. 

Then  said  Prairie-Falcon  to  Coyote,  "Come  here  also!"  "Why 
should  I  come?"  asked  Coyote,  frightened.  "Come  on!  Hurry  up!" 
But  Coyote  did  not  obey.  And  Prairie-Falcon  seized  him  and  threw 
him  into  the  fire  when  he  was  burnt.  A  bad  man  was  Coyote ;  he 
wished  the  others  to  be  killed  and  so  said  "Enter!"  at  the  house  of 
Skunk.  But  he  said  no  more;  he  was  a  bad  man  for  wanting  the 
others  to  be  killed. 

Away  they  went,  Raven  playing  his  magic  flute.  All  the  people 
heard  the  music  of  Raven's  flute  and  said,  "What  is  that  noise? 
Surely  it  is  not  human  music!  From  where  comes  this  music?" 
More  clearly  sounded  the  music  but  suddenly  it  ceased  and  was  not 
heard  anywhere.  The  people  wandered  about  but  could  not  find 
him;  Raven  had  been  lost.  "Why  do  you  think  he  has  lost  himself?" 
they  asked.  They  hunted  for  him  but  could  not  find  him ;  they  hunted 
him  everywhere.  Then  Prairie-Falcon  bethought  himself  of  the  bears 
and  decided  to  collect  them;  he  sought  them  out  and  gathered  them 
together,  for  he  suspected  that  one  of  them  had  eaten  Raven.  He 
made  them  pass  by  him  one  by  one.  "Open  your  mouth !"  he  ordered 
and  pointed  his  arrow  at  them.  Then  he  inspected  their  mouths.  One 
by  one  they  went  and  another  came.  "Open  your  mouth!"  and  he 
pointed  again.  "Bring  another  one!"  Finally  there  remained  only 


64  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 

one ;  Prairie-Falcon  told  Mouse  to  call  to  him  to  come.  But  Mouse  said, 
' '  I  am  afraid !  He  is  too  strong ! "  At  last  Bear  came,  climbing  up 
and  shouting  loudly.  Then  said  Mouse,  "Be  careful!  This  one  is 
very  strong!"  Prairie-Falcon  ordered  him  "Open  your  mouth!" 
and  pointed  his  arrow.  "My  tooth  hurts,"  said  Bear.  "I  can't 
open  my  mouth ! ' '  Then  he  pointed  his  arrow  again.  ' '  Open  it  just 
a  little  ways!"  Bear  obeyed  and  opened  his  mouth  a  very  little  bit. 
"Go  ahead!"  he  said.  Then  Prairie-Falcon  stuck  in  his  talons  and 
Bear  went  rolling  down,  dead.  Then  said  Prairie-Falcon  to  Mouse, 
"Carry  him  away!  There  he  is;  you  know  your  strength!"  Mouse 
endeavored  to  carry  Bear  away  whole,  but  he  could  not ;  he  became 
tired.  Therefore  his  nose  is  stretched  out  and  he  goes  through  the 
world  watching  who  notices  it.  He  is  ashamed  of  his  face.  When  he 
sees  it  he  is  afraid  to  go  where  there  are  many  people.  Therefore  he 
keeps  in  the  grass  and  hides  for  shame.  And  he  is  never  seen;  he 
went  away. 

Analysis 

To  give  a  clearer  idea  of  the  nature  of  the  language  an  analysis 
of  the  foregoing  text  is  presented  below.  Many  of  the  constructions 
are  doubtful;  in  such  cases  the  most  doubtful  have  been  assigned  a 
question  mark,  the  others  given  the  explanation  which  seems  most 
probable. 

The  following  symbols  are  employed  in  the  analysis : 

S  denotes  the  stem,  verbal  or  nominal 

adj  denotes     an  adjective 

adv  denotes  an  adverb 

art  denotes  the  article  (demonstrative) 

con  denotes  a  conjunction  or  connective 

dem  denotes  a  demonstrative 

int  denotes  an  interjection 

loc  denotes  a  locative  adverb 

neg  denotes  the  negative 

num  denotes  a  numeral  adverb 

pre  denotes  a  preposition 

pro  denotes  a  proclitic 

plu  denotes  the  plural,  when  this  is  irregular 

tern  denotes  a  temporal  adverb 

The  various  numbers  from  1  to  58  refer  to  the  numbers  given  the 
morphological  elements  in  the  preceding  grammar. 

The  pronouns  are  denoted  by  a  combination  of  three  elements; 
the  numbers  1,  2  and  3  for  the  persons,  s  and  p  for  the  singular  and 


1918] 


Mason:  The  Language  of  the  Salinan  Indians 


65 


plural  numbers,  and  i  for  the  independent,  s  for  the  subjective,  p  for 
the  possessive,  I  for  the  locative,  o  for  the  objective  and  pas  for  the 
passive,  as: 

Iss         first  person  singular  subject 
2po         second  person  plural  object 
3ppas         third  person  plural  passive 


k-Lap-ai 

28-num 


ram-t'  e  'i 
pro-S 

p-ol-ox 
S-14-S 


/?e-hiyo-t 
art-3pi 

be-lk  'a 

art-S 


ram-t'  -ia-teL 

pro  29-S-12 


xof  -L-op'         ro-p-t'  -e-m-o 
S-14-S  58-art-17-S-3sp 


k'-ts'e-ik< 

30-S-3so 


na-cte-lwa' 

dem-6-S 


ram-te  'e 
pro-S 

ram-f  e  'e 
pro-S 

ti'-ca-wena-ni 

pre-S 

ra'-me-t 
pro-S 

ti-pa-ta 
pre-S 

sk  'am-ksa' 
loc-adv 

be-cuwa 
art-S 

k'sa 
adv 

ram-hal-a 
pro-S-37 


ta-to-ki 
pre-loc 

pa-ta' 

s 


p-ol-ox 
S-14-S 


ar 

int 


ram-te-ta  'k'       k-ac-el 

pro-S-3po  28-S-12 

'§n-ts'e/-en  ro-/3a-ta-ma ' 

pre-dem-S 

me-t-on-ek' 


34-S-44 

cte-lwa  '-1-e  'k-ce 
6-S-47-lss-39 

k-a-wiy-ak'  -ce ' 

28-S-lso-39 

ri-pa-ta         ram-p-et'e-k-o 
pre-S  pro-27-S-3so 

p-ikele-n-t-xo  meca-k' 


S-49-lss 

nataa' 

tern 


k'  -cauwena-ni 

28-S 

o-sma-ha-t-eL 
32-S-16-S-12 

sma-ha-t-eL 

S-12-S-12 

a  '-a-mk-o 
34-S-3so 

tas-k-coune-n-ek' 

con-28-S-49-lss 


ram-te-ta  'k 
pro-S-3po 

ra-sk  'a-m-k'  sa' 
pre-loc-adv 

tu-/?e-k-a-wi 
pre-art-28-S 


27-S-15-S  adv 

meca-k'          tu-p-t-u-hen-u 
adv  58-art-17-S-plu-3sp 

yax          ra-sk  'am 
S  pre-loc 

weten-ksa? 
S-adv 

t-cxa ' 
17-S 

em-k'  -cu-lukne          ram-ehet  'e/nxa          ram-t'  e  'e 
34-28-S  pro-S  pro-S 

xomo'  Iwa'  xaiya'  t-ema-fu 

adj  S  adv  pre-S 

pe-se-mtaN         '  amte-^e-ck  'an         semtaN 
art-Splu  pro-S-art-S  Splu 

tuk-sunun          kara  '-mas          ko-t-ap'  e-L 
2pp-S  neg-adv  31-29-S 

te-ta-p-oi'-yax        pe-t-icxe-p-let-o       am-ko-t-apeL 
pre-S-37-3ppas         art-17-S-13-3sp          pro-31-29-S 


t-ets'  e  'w-u 

17-S-3sp 

tu-p-ke-wu 


58-art-3sl 


pe-ta-ma' 

art-S 


ram-t-ica-k' 
pro-29-S 

i-ta-ma 

t  'katen-o 
S-3sp 

yax-ten 
S-41 

te-p'-al-o 
pre-27-S-3so 

k'sa' 
adv 

pe-Lk'a' 
int  art-S 

ram-t'  -xwen-e-lax 
pro-29-S-ll 

te-skl-ntui '         mena  'ko 
pre-adj  24 

na-me-n          ram-me-t-i ' 
dem-S  pro-S-? 

ram-te-ta-unla-ik ' 
pro-S-plu-14-3po 


p-alx-o 
27-S-3so 

k-ena-y-ok' 

28-S-3so 


66 


University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 


ram-p-lei-t'  -x-o 
pro-27-S-15-S-3po 


56-loc 
ram-te-tak' 

pro-S-3so 

ti-ya-ten ' 
pre-S-41 

k-li  'y-ai  '-yax 
28-S-3  7-3  spas 

be-lk  'a  xomo-lwa ' 

adj-S 

ko-te  'i-k'  sa' 
31-S-adv 

raM-t' -ia-teL 

pro-29-S-12 


ram-Mot  'ox-o 
pro-S-3po 

rum-to-ki  t-aau ' 

56-loc  17-S 

ram-ti  ta-mena  'ko 


ra-kera  '-ten  '-lo'  kera-lo' 

pre-neg-41— 47  neg-47 

rum-toki          kwa-p<          ma-lo-L           taaso 
S  S-14-S  adv 

pe-Lk  'a  ma  'n-ten-ri 

art-S  int-41-loc  pro-S  pre-24 

te-le'        pox-ra'        rarn-ko-neka  '-ce '        ram-t-isp-a '-1-ax 
S  S-loc  pro-31-S-39  pro-29-S-37-12-3pas 

rum-to-ke  t-aau'  am-k-LO-L  ro-/3e 

56-loc  17-S  pro-28-S  pre-art 

ra'-am-el-a'i 
pre-S-12-37 

xomo1        iwa'        p-a-lx-o      ta-am-el-a- 'i-ce ' 
adj  S 

ram-k-olo-l-i'        t'  -ia'        be-la ' 
pro-28-S-4  29-S  art-S 

'iy-o'          be-la'          ram-te'-ta'k 
rt-S  pro-S-3so 

nu-k '-axa-t 'i       Iwa' 

dem-28-S  S 


art-S 

p-ol-ox 
S-14-S 

yo'u 

3si 


p-a-lx-o 

27-S-3so 


Iwa' 


aha-ti  ' 

S 


pre-art-17-S-l-3sp 

k-  'ames       ta-ko-iyu ' 
28-S  pre-31-3si 

k-e-noxo  pe-k '-axa-te 

28-S  art-28-S 


terc-te ' 
con-S 


27-S-3so        pre-S-12-37-39 

pesn-ai  'yax 

S-3 7-3 spas 

taas-teN 
26-8 


no-v 

dem-? 


rarj-ke-rum' 
pro-23-56 


ra'ke 
loc 


3si4 


ram-ko-tic-t-o-k'  sa' 
pro-31-S-15-S-adv 

kas        te-pasia-l-ten' 
con  pre-S-41 

aka-a-su       mena  'ku 

23-S  24 

ke-te-ke  'wu 
23-pre-3sl 

te-no-nan-ax 
pre-S-3ppas 

ta-ana-t-a  'i-yax 
pre-S-3  7-3ppas 

ra-m-p'  -iax-te-ko 
pro-27-S-38-3so 

xot  'op 

S 

k-  'ames          t'  i-yax 
28-S  pre-S 


yo-ran 
3si-con 


29-S 


29-S 

pe-selo-i! 
art-S 


te-ticu-p-ax  k'  sa 

pre-S- ?-3spas  adv 

ra-ko-t'  -ia-lo  ra  'ke 

pre-31-29-S-47  loc 

k'-ale'p        be-la' 
28-S  art-S 

ti-k-alep       ram-k-tc  'a-u-ye ' 
pre-28-S         pro-28-S-plu 

tc  'a-u-ye '          meca-k          yo 

S-plu  adv  3si 

tc  'a-u-ye ' 
S-plu 

te-hot'ap' 

pre-S 

t  'oL-ten ' 
num-8 


pe-aha-ti' 

art-S 


pe-t'  axa-y-uxten 

art-S-8 


pe-xwen 
art-S 


ca-xata ' 

S 

ca-xata' 

S 

t'OL 
num 

ram-t'  e '          k-axai 
pro-S  28-S 


yax-tek'  -ten 
S-38-41 


Splu 

ram-ku-yem-a ' 
pro-31-S-37 

ram-ko-yem-a  'M 
pro-31-S-37 

ram-male-nt-a  'i-yax 

pro-S-37-3spas 

t'-a-pen-ya' 
17-8-1 

ca-ke  'n-u 
S-3so 

p' -ca-ke 'n-u 
27-S-3so 

ram-t'  e ' 

pro-S 

telwane 
adj 


110 
49 


1918] 


Mason :  The  Language  of  the  Salinan  Indians 


67 


ra-ts- 'am-is        CO-UL        t'-iax        telwane 

pro-29-S  S  29-S  adj 

ram-t'i'        pe-selo-i*"        k-axk'o'        na5 
pro-S  art-S  28-S  dem 

am-t' e '-ta 'k        ca-xata'        ram-t'i'        tepeN 
S  pro-S  S 

ram-ca-ke-n-i '-ts  T  ca-xata' 

pro-S-4-42  S 


p-eta  '-ko 

27-S-3so 


pro-S-3so 

te'-ca-xata' 
pre-S 

am-k'  -neka ' 

pro-28-S 

am-te-ta  'k    a'  imya 

pro-S-3so         int 

'  am-te-ta  'k      be-selo-i 
pro-S-3so  art-S 

ki-ca-k 
8-1 


ka-m-xwen  pe-taxai ' 

pro-S  art-S 

se-telwane  am-ca-ke-n-i 

36-adj  pro-S-4 

t-ule-t  ka  '-a-m-ko 

17-S  31-S-3so 

skomo'  gas 

adv  adv 


k'  -su-lukni         kas-skumu         pe-t-eelk-o 
28-S  con-adv  art-17-S-3sp 

ram-hal-a '    um-ck  'au  '-yu    Lk  'el-t'  e-pa-k'  sa-t'  -ya 
pro-S-37          55-S-3sp  S-15-S-adv-29-S 


Ma  a-wu 
S-3so 


p-i-se-1-xo 
27-S-3so 


'  o-p-lo'       ra-m-pr  -ts  'e-n-t-ko 
28-S-47  pro-27-S-?-15-3so 


cko  '-ra ' 

S-loc 

k' sa-ce ' 
adv-39 

em-k  'WCL 

55-S 


mo  -p-iem-  o 
2si-27-S-3so 


tum-ti-  'u 

2sp-S 

ram-ko-p-a-m-ko 
pro-31-27-S-3so 

aka-a-so 

23-S 


o-yem-a 
32-S-37 


ram-p  -ia-m-o 
pro-27-S-3so 

rum-me-p-ia-m-o 
pro-19-27-S-3so 


pe-t-oo-wu       k'  -so-men-xa ' 
art-17-S-3sp      28-S-37 


k-ola  '1-e '      to-p-t-oo-wu 

28-S-4       pre-art-17-S-3sp 


ra-m-pox 
pro-S 

koi-yem-a  '-lo' 
31-S-37-47 


ram-k-oniyi ' 
pro-28-S 

ru-</>-toke          k  ?at' 
58-art-loc  S 


te-t'-ia< 
pre-29-S 


ma-keewu 

53-3sl 


be-xaiya' 
art-adv 


k-oho-m-a' 

28-S-37 


to-</)-t-olol-a  'i-yu 

pre-art-17-S-l-3sp 


gas  yo'-lo-p-t'-ia-t'-a'i-yo 

adv  3si-47-?-29-S-?-37-3si 


PEAIKIE-FALCON   AND   WHITE   OWL  1* 

teci'k'      ka'met'i      ru^asna-'k'      paxo-'to      me'ca-k      ramka-'ak'a 
White  Owl    hunted    for  the  kangaroo  rat.     Smoked  it    constantly.     Then  sang : 

ts  Vxwa-nle'to  ti'cxeple'to  ticxeple'to  ts'o'xwa-nle'to 

"Shrunk         his  foot!         His  foot         shrunk!" 

ra'mpesnai 'ya         tu</>sk'a'n'         ra'mti'1         yo'         p'ia-'mo         ce'lo' 
Then  was  heard        by  the  hawk.         Then  told,         "He         knows         already 

keewu'         tice'tep         ra'Mti'ts'omyac         pet'ika-kelu         ra'mwa-ti" 
where         to  die."         Then  liked         the  his  song.         Then  told 

tik'a-'k'a  ramkai"yax  to-loli"  rumti-lek' 

to  sing.         Then  put        flute         in  hole         the  flute. 

ra'mta-mumpai'i          ta'au'u          tit'o"n          ta'mwa-ti' 
Then  drew  out        fire         to  burn.         Then  ordered        to  sing. 


peto-loli' ' 
rik-ak'  a 


"Told  by  David  Mora,  1916;  cf.  p.  110. 


68  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.      [Vol.  14 

ramkopa-lxo        tipa'lo        pet'ika'keL        bek'  Epe'snai  'ya        tupEskVn 
Then  not  wished        to  use         the  song,         that  heard         by  the  hawk. 

prem.6'  tisa'l-i'  petikake'1-o  korpa-'lxo  tep'a-lo 

Knew  that  disliked  the  his  song;  not  desired  to  use 

pet'ka-ke'lo  heyo"  palo'wu  ka-'k'ano"  ts'ututuya' 

the  his  song        he         used.         Sang,         "Tsututuya! 

sk'a-'manleto  ra^mteta-ko'iyo '  bet'oLten  t'ika-'keL 

Skamanleto! "         Then  said,  "Not  that!         The  other         song 

stiyo'Van'        ra-'mti'        kestiyo'Van'        tamka'sno        tumxa'lanon 
beautiful!"       Then   said,       "Is  beautiful       then  only       thy  use  just  now!" 

ake-'mxa'lanon  anka'snostiyo"win  ouna"  kap8tika-'kelo 

"What  to  use  just  now?"   "Only  just  now  beautiful!  "   "This   is  the  his  song?" 

aa'  yo'uva'  t'a'u-ye'  te-le'k'  ta'mta-lelaik  o'yo' 

"Yes,         that  one."         Seek         hole.         Then  asked         "Is  that?" 

'amti'         ka'ra'          ake'rum          sa^xwelyo'x          ke-'wu          nama't' 
Then   said,     "No!"     "Where?"      "Smooth-edged,      where      these   animals." 

ra'mtc 'auye '  k'ie'ma'  pete-lek'  ramticpa'n '  bek'at' 

Tlien  hunted,        was  seen         the  hole.         Then  removed         the  grass 

rupto'me-lo          pete-le'k'  ra'mtetak          wike-'u          ramt~uxwen 

from  the  its  edge         the  hole.         Then  told,         "Here!"         Then  came 
pehiyo"           raymt'eyo"  na"  armtetak-a-ka  ra'mk'a-k'a 

the  he.         Then  told  him         this         then  to  sing.         Then   sang. 
ra'mtetak        ko'iyo'        ramti        ake-'rumten        tar;ka'snotumha'lan6n 

Then  said,     "Not  that!"     Then  said,     "Which  again?"     "That  only  thy  use 

just  now!  " 

ake^emha'la  ta^ga'snostiyo'Ven  ramka-'k'a  ramtetak 

' '  What  to  use ? "       "That  only  just  now  beautiful ! ' '       Then  sang.       Then  said, 

koi'yo'         ake'rum. ten'         tanga-'sno         notumha'lano-'vn6'         o-na" 

' '  Not  that !  "  "  Which  then ?  "  "  That  only  just  now.  Thy  use  just  now !  "  "  Is  this ? ' ' 

yo'ovi'          k'a-k'a          paxo-'to           cko"           a^mtetak          mena-ni' 
"That  is."          Sang.          Smoking  it          was.          Then  said,          "Come  close 

ksa'        tisk'am        pa-'T/ko        tita-'mpta'        ka'xa-nlo 'ksa-lo"        ts'e'ik 
more       near!        Can        to   emerge  now!"        Shouted  loud  already,        "Look 

k'sa'       tisk'a'm       ya-'ko       tuma'pa-u'       yo"       ra'mxot'       pet'a'a'u 
very        close!         Watch         to  catch        he!"         Then  blew        the  fire. 

anpena-ne'u  'ksa      cko'      ra'mxot      rume'       ramkLo-'oL      pecuke'nto 
Then  approached  very      was.       Then  blew       then.       Then  burnt       the  his  eye. 

ka'xa-tela'         k'sa'         t'o'Ne-wu         k'sa'         cuke-ntu         ka'xa-tela' 
Wept         very.         Scratched        thus         his   eye.         Wept, 

t'ya'       rumle-m       ramtetak'        me"na-ko       tetecxo-ni'       naka'met'i 
went         upwards.         Then  said,         "Because        poor         this  hunter; 

ke'cxo-nelwa' ' 
poor  man!" 


1918]  Mason:  The  Language  of  the  Salman  Indians  69 

White  Owl  was  hunting  for  kangaroo-rats ;  he  constantly  smoked 
their  holes  to  drive  them  out.  He  was  feeling  happy  for  he  had 
found  the  body  of  Little  Hawk  and  he  sang  "His  foot  is  shrunk! 
His  foot  is  shrunk!"  Prairie-Falcon  was  looking  for  his  younger 
brother  and  overheard  White  Owl's  song.  "He  knows  where  he  died" 
said  Prairie-Falcon  to  himself;  he  wanted  to  hear  the  song  again  and 
told  him  to  sing  again.  He  went  to  the  other  end  of  the  hole  and 
inserted  his  magic  flute  and  sucked  out  the  smoke. 

White  Owl  did  not  want  to  sing  the  song  over  because  he  knew  it 
would  anger  Prairie-Falcon.  So  he  sang  instead  "Tsututuya! 
Skamanleto!"  Then  said  Prairie-Falcon,  "No!  Not  that  one!  The 
other  beautiful  song !  It  is  beautiful,  the  song  you  sang  a  moment 
ago."  "Which  one?"  "The  beautiful  one  you  sang  just  now!" 
' '  This  song  ? "  "  Yes,  that  one ! " 

Prairie-Falcon  looked  for  the  kangaroo-rat's  hole.  "Is  it  this 
one?"  he  asked.  "No!"  "Where  then?"  "The  one  with  the 
smooth  edge,  where  the  animals  are."  Prairie-Falcon  hunted  and 
found  the  hole;  he  removed  the  grass  from  the  edge  of  the  hole. 
"Here  it  is!"  he  said.  Then  came  White  Owl.  Again  Prairie-Falcon 
asked  him  to  sing  and  he  sang  the  meaningless  song  again.  "Not 
that  one ! "  "  Which  one  ? "  "  The  one  you  sang  just  now. "  "  Which 
one?"  "The  beautiful  one."  Then  White  Owl  sang  again.  "Not 
that  one ! "  "  Which,  then  ? "  "  The  one  you  sang  just  now. "  "  This 
one?"  "Yes,  that  one."  Then  White  Owl  sang  it. 

The  hole  was  smoking.  Then  Prairie-Falcon  said,  "Come  closer! 
He  may  come  out  now ! ' '  Then  he  shouted  loudly,  ' '  Look  very  close ! 
Watch  and  catch  him ! ' '  White  Owl  put  his  head  very  close.  Then 
Prairie-Falcon  blew  with  his  magic  flute  from  the  other  end  of  the 
hole.  The  smoke  and  fire  came  out  and  covered  White  Owl's  head. 
His  eyes  were  badly  burnt  and  he  wept  and  rubbed  his  eyes.  He 
wept  and  flew  upwards.  Then  said  Prairie-Falcon,  "Because  of  this 
you  will  be  a  poor  inoffensive  hunter,  a  sorry  man!"  And  White 
Owl's  eyes  are  still  black. 

CEICKET  AND  MOUNTAIN  LION « 

xo't'up'        beta"muL       ru<£te-mo"       beta"muL      ramko'p'iem.o' 
Passed         the  puma         by  the  his  house.         The  puma         then  not  knew 

tita-m  tip' ha'topa-'fca  p<£cuk  'a  'iko  betip'  hatopa-'ka  ra-'mtekatop' 
that  house  of  her  dung  cow.  Trod  it  the  of  her  dung  cow.  Then  came 
rumtcen  ra-'mte'  me'naV  rumco'k 'a 'iyik  mate-mo'  nata-ma' 
to  outside.  Then  said,  "Why  to  tread  on  their  house  these  men?" 


Told  by  David  Mora,  1916. 


70  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 

ra'mti'          beta"muL         uwi"          k'arme'          a' a/'          tact'  ma-'lox 
Then  said         the  puma,         ' '  Here        we  walk. "         "  Yes,         what  thy  desire 

rumco'ka'yi'k  nate-'ma  ruma-'lox  ruma-'x  k'a'Li" 

to  tread  this  house?  To  desire  to  start  fight? 

yaxtele'k'         t'me'so-lta-to        ri'cxa'i        yo'ra'k'a-Ltena'        'entico-'p 
Come        thy  soldiers        tomorrow!         Go  to  fight        to  see 

ta-lwa"  ma'a'wuhek  loeti'solta-to'  yo'ke'wra'yema-lt'e' 

who  man.  Bring  I  the  soldiers  where  to  see, 

yo'ra'ma'me-'t'       ra'rnf  xwene- 'lax       ra'mteta'k       ru<£Lk'a       emya" 
to  test."  Then  they  came,  then  said  to  the  coyote  to  go 

ts'e'ntek'         oyo"16        ra'mpa-leLko         petc'e-T         haa'         maLtak 
see      if  there  already.        Then  asked  him        the  cricket.        "Yes,        tell  him 

rume'          entiyaxte-'L          rume'          ramki'          ra'mti'          betee-T 
then         to  come         then!"         Then  went,         then  said         the  cricket 

ru<f>tisolta-to'         k'  mit  'ka-'tek'          palwa"         ampia-'tko         ka'k'cu 
to  his  soldiers,         "Chase  him  off         that  man!"         Then  sent        two 

leme'm'      amkepts 'enla- 'ik      emt'ka'teno      amk'na-'yi'      me'tepts 'e 'n 
bees.         Then  stung  him         on  his  rump.         Then  fled         when  stung. 

amk' Me't  W  sa         tipa-'lxo         tito'k'onox         t'xwento         rumtc'a" 
Then  ran  much         to  desire         to  reach         soon         to  water, 

tipa-'lxo         rimo'kLop         belime"m         tercto'p'o'inox         rumtc'a" 
to  desire        to  drown         the  bees.         Therefore  dove         in  water. 

pa'lxotela-uwa         betep'isri-"  klu'wa'  teti'ca-k  rumtc'a" 

Wished  to  stop         the  pain.         Long        to  be         in  water. 

yo'ra'mla-wa'  betep'Ni'  k'luwa'  teticko"  rumtca" 

Then  stopped        the  pain.         Long        to  be         in  water. 

kot'ia-'t'ia'        lo-'ce'        k'ce-'pa'        lo"        k'  Lu'wa  'ga-s        ra'mta-mp 
Not  wished  to  go         already;         afraid         already.         Long  only         then  left 

tet'iyano"       teMa-'lta-ko      tetickol'lo      ra'mt'konox      ra'mtatc 'a-uwi ' 
to  go         to  tell  him         that  there  was.         Then  came,         then  met 

t'uxwe'nto          ru<£ta'muL  a'mta-lela'ik'  oyo"16'  'aa'te' 

at 'last         with  the  puma.         Then  was  asked         if  there  already.         "Yes, 

cko'l'lo'        ro/?a"       ra'mka 'ase-'lo       ra-^kaa-'sna      k'wo'slop'       k'sa" 
is  already     there!"     Then  added  already,     "Then  but  this     powerful     very! 

ta-Viem'o"  tati'ca-kai'  kwu'slop  k'olop  ra-'mti' 

Who  knows         to  go?         Strong         very!"         Then  said 

beta"muL       ka'me-'t'        rome"        ra 'mi-'tel-ak       ra'mti'       petaxai" 
the  puma,          "Try          then          to  beat  them!"          Then  said          the  bear, 

kera'      ko'teni-lak      tehe-"k'      t'o"Ne'wu      he-'k'      yo'     ra'mt'ia-teL 
"No!  No  difference  to  me!  Eub  I."  He  then  went, 

ka'tc'a-uli'          yo 'ra'mti'          beta"muL          he'l-a'  kutc 'e'lnocri 

encountered.         Then  said        the  puma,  "Wait!         Stop  here! 


1918]  Mason:  The  Language  of  the  Salinan  Indians  71 

ki-he'k'         IN         ti'ts'e-k'         ko'nox        tu<£ke'u         rupre'       tc'el' 
Go  I        to         see."         Arrived         at  place         of  king        cricket. 

ra'mte'      peta"muL      oyo'lo"       af       ramo-'mce'      ra^kaa'snayo'lo" 
Then  said    the  puma    if  he  already.    ' '  All  right    then  you!    Then  but  there  already! 

kaa'st'ka-'me-t'rum'  'amp'ia-'tleko  rume'  tisolta-teno 

But  we  will  try  it."         Then  sent        then         soldiers. 

mi-telau'k'        k'sa'        betaxai"        t'o'Ne'wu        k'sace'        kaske'ra' 
Stung  him         much         the  bear.         Eubbed         much        but  not 

ti-'t'u      xwe'nksa"       gacko"      a-'mti'      beLk'a'      xala"       mpa-tc'a" 
did.      Came  more      only  were.      Then  said      the  coyote,      "Jump      in  water! " 

a'mt'iya       kMe-'t'ik       k'so,'        t'ia'       ramko'timxoya-k      roptep'Ni" 
Then  went         running,         but         went.         Then  not  endured         the  pain. 

xwe-n        ga-'cko        beleme'm'        ki'sile'         lo'         gas        umtika"wu 
Arriving         only   were         the   bees         all         already         only         on   his   hide. 

ra^mkick'e-le'       loga's       me'ca-k       ra-'mte'       peLkV       kop'oiteno'x 
already  only       continually.       Then  said      the  coyote,       "Jump 

yo'ra'ka-mk'Ne-'lik          kick'e-"le'          ga-s          me'ca-k 
in  water!         Or  to  be  killed!"         Eolled         only         constantly 

betaxai"          becuwa"  ce'tep'ya          me'ca-k          ta-'i          lo'ga-s 

the  bear.         The  skunk         dying         constantly,        pest         already  only. 

amk'Na-'iyi'        beLk'a        t'o'Lga-vs        ke-'u        tiha'la'         ra'mt'ia' 
Then  fled         the  coyote,         one  only         place         to  sting.         Then  went, 

ku'yema'        lo'        ti-ke"wu        ta'mye-ma'        besto"        ra'mhala-t'i' 
not  seen         already         to  place.         Then  seen         the  fox.         Then  stung, 

tet'ia-'yu         yo'         BeLk'a"          amk'Na-'yi'         k'sa"         a'mteta'k 
thought         him         the   coyote.         Then   fled         swift.         Then   said, 

ko'mna-yi'        mitela-'tak'        ramke'ra'        ko'pt'a-co        ko'telkele-^xa' 
' '  Don 't  run ! ' '         Attacked.         Then  no         not  noticed.         Not  returned 

k'sa"       me-iyo"       gas       bet'ala"iyu       ko'tapa-uye'       ki-       ra'ke' 
more.       Same     only       the  his  appearance.        Not   overtook.        Went        there. 

ramk'  o'ne-t  'ak       betc'e-1'         pece-"wu         beta"muL         ra'mteta'k 
Then  won         the  cricket;         beat  him         the  puma.         Then  told 

peta"muL         ta-lwa"         homo"         uska'he"k<         raga-'smo'         i-n 
the  puma,         "Who  man?         Thou         or  I?"         "Surely  thou        more 

luwa"  tihe-"k'  ts'epVn           tuhe'k'  luwa"           rumo" 

man         than  I!"         "Good!         That  I        man         than  thou! 

ta-sko'mcuka-'yi'kten         te'mha-'lo  na<         ta-ma'        numye'm' 

But  don't  tread  again         their  houses        these        men.        In  order  to  know 

t'uxo'mo        rumco'ka'yik        temha-lo        nata-ma'        meca-'k'         ga-s 

how  bad         to  trample         their  houses         these  men.        Always         only 

ents'ep'        t'mi'ca-kai'        fkera"        k'a'Li"        kots'ep'         tiki'c^i' 
to  be  good         thy  going        to  not         fight.        Not  good         to  be  thus. 


72  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 

gasme'ca-k        ke'ra'        ke'tc'a-uwe'        na'xumo-'ni'        ke'ra'        ke-'u 
Only  always         no         not  I  seek         the  evil.         No         where 

ti'o-'wahLik         me'ca-k         he"k'         me'ca-k         ra-nmo"         xo't'up 
to  molest         constantly         I.         Always         and  thou  passest 

mo"         ruwi         ta-ke"         ranhe-"k        ke'^'ni'         kica-k         tu-wi' 
thou        to  here         road,         and  I        walk        going        here 

tee'mo        pike-'lentxo        he'k'         me'ca-k        wl         tee'mo        kera' 
his  house.         Circle         I  always         here  his  house.         No, 

ke'ya      t'ik'wa"        ko'kic        mo'        ki-        to-'kena-teL        rumse-'ni' 
not  I  go         afar;         not  like         thou         go.         Days,         thy  going 

ko'kic       he'k'        ki'yoote'        cko'        he'k'        gas      tuwi"        tee'mo 
not  like         me.         Not  I  move,         am         I        only         here         his  house. 

me"e-ka-wi        pox       he'k'        umto'°ki        ka'uhek'        ke'ra'        k'sa' 
When  I  am  sleepy         enter         I         to  within,         sleep  I.         No         more. 

ka"a-ke'N       k'sa'        tet'rya'x       ta-'rake"        t'e"yo-'       he'k'        tuwi' 
Not  think         more         to  come         anyone.         Alone         I         here 

k'e        ts'ep'        sma'kai 
me.         Good      .  night! " 

Mountain  Lion  was  passing  by  the  house  of  Cricket;  he  did  not 
know  that  the  cow  dung  was  a  house  and  trampled  upon  it.  Then 
Cricket  came  out  and  said,  "Why  do  you  trample  upon  men's 
houses?"  "I  walk  where  I  please,"  returned  Mountain  Lion.  "Yes, 
but  why  do  you  want  to  trample  on  my  house  ?  Do  you  want  to  start 
a  fight  ?  All  right !  Let  your  soldiers  come  tomorrow  and  we  11  have 
a  fight  to  see  who  is  the  better  man !  I  '11  bring  my  soldiers  anywhere 
to  make  the  test. ' ' 

Mountain  Lion  went  home  and  gathered  his  soldiers,  who  were 
all  the  animals.  They  all  came.  Then  he  told  Coyote  to  go  and  see 
if  Cricket  was  ready.  The  latter  went,  and  asked  Cricket  if  he  was 
ready.  "Yes,"  said  Cricket.  "Tell  him  to  come!"  Coyote  left  and 
Cricket  said  to  his  soldiers,  who  were  the  bees,  "Chase  this  fellow 
away ! "  And  he  sent  two  bees  after  him ;  they  stung  him  on  his  rump. 
When  they  stung  him  Coyote  fled;  he  ran  headlong  in  his  desire  to 
reach  water  and  drown  the  bees.  Then  he  dove  into  the  water  to 
lessen  his  pain  and  stayed  a  long  time  swimming  in  the  water.  At 
last  the  pain  stopped  but  he  did  not  wish  to  go;  he  was  afraid.  He 
was  in  the  water  a  long  time.  At  last  he  came  out  and  went  to  inform 
Mountain  Lion  that  Cricket  was  ready  for  him. 

Coyote  arrived  and  at  last  met  Mountain  Lion  who  asked  him  if 
Cricket  was  ready.  "Yes,"  said  he.  "They  are  already  there!" 


1918]  Mason:  The  Language  of  the  Salinan  Indians  73 

Then  he  added,  "But  they  are  very  powerful.  Who  knows  what  we 
can  do  ?  They  are  very  strong. "  "  Nevertheless  we  will  try  to  defeat 
them,"  said  Mountain  Lion.  Bear  laughed  derisively  and  said,  "No, 
they  make  no  difference  to  me !  I  '11  just  rub  myself  all  over  and 
brush  them  off!"  So  they  went.  Then  said  Mountain  Lion,  "Wait 
here !  I  will  go  and  look. "  So  he  went  and  soon  arrived  at  the  camp 
of  King  Cricket.  He  inquired  if  they  were  ready.  "All  right!  You 
fellows!  We  will  try  it !" 

Then  Cricket  sent  forward  his  soldiers;  they  attacked  Bear  in 
swarms.  He  brushed  himself  vigorously  but  could  not  rid  himself  of 
them ;  more  came  every  moment.  Then  Coyote  cried  from  his  hiding- 
place,  ' '  Make  for  the  water ! ' '  Bear  ran ;  he  could  not  endure  the 
pain.  The  arriving  bees  covered  his  hide.  He  rolled  over  and  over 
in  the  dirt.  Coyote  cried  to  him,  ' '  Jump  in  the  water !  Or  you  will 
be  killed!"  Bear  rolled  continually.  Skunk,  the  pest,  was  dying 
too.  Then  Coyote  fled,  one  sting  was  enough  for  him.  He  ran  and 
was  not  seen  again.  Then  the  bees  caught  sight  of  Fox ;  they  thought 
he  wras  Coyote  and  stung  him.  "Don't  run!"  they  cried  to  him, 
attacking  him.  But  he  took  no  notice  of  their  entreaties  and  fled 
not  to  return.  They  did  not  overtake  him. 

And  so  Cricket  won  the  fight ;  he  defeated  Mountain  Lion.  Then 
he  said  to  him,  "Now  who  is  the  better  man,  you  or  I?"  "Surely 
you  are  a  better  man  than  I ! "  said  Mountain  Lion.  ' '  Good !  I  am 
a  better  man  than  you !  And  now  never  again  go  trampling  on  peo- 
ple's  houses.  You  ought  to  know  how  evil  it  is  to  step  on  men's  houses. 
It  is  good  not  to  fight,  but  not  good  to  be  as  you  were.  I  never  seen 
trouble  anywhere  and  no  one  must  molest  me.  You  shall  always 
wander  along  the  roads  and  I  will  pass  my  time  in  the  house.  I  con 
stantly  walk  about  my  house ;  I  never  go  far  away,  not  like  you. 
Every  day  you  travel  far,  not  like  me.  I  do  not  wander  much ;  I  am 
always  in  my  house.  When  I  get  sleepy  I  go  inside  and  go  to  bed. 
That 's  all.  I  do  not  think  that  anybody  may  come ;  I  am  alone  here 
by  myself.  Good  night ! ' ' 

GREAT  HAWK  AND  THE  COLD  i« 

la-'mka  ta-stmetxa'  txa-'uhe'k  li'cxai          taxts'a-kai' 

"South,         what  thy  possession?"         "Have  I        rain         and  wind 

taxtc'umye'L  ta'mtebespe-k'  yaxtek'an  ra'mt'ia  ru^ke'uta-'k  'at' 
and  ice!  "  Then  said  the  hawk,  "Let  them  come!  "  Then  went  to  where  tree 

k'e-'L  k'  o'noxrumt'  k'  a'ko  ru^ku'sululna 'tak 'at  ram'ck'o' 
dry.  Came  to  its  top  of  the  straight  tree.  Then  was 


Told  by  David  Mora,   1916. 


74  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 

rinasma'k' ai          tamxwe'n          bele'cxai          tax          ts'a-kai'          tax 
through  this  night.  Then  came  the  rain  and  wind  and 

tc'umye'L          ta"mecxai          ramkts'e-nu'  bespe-k'  te'icxa'i 

ice.         Then  dawned.         Then  content         the  hawk         to  dawn. 

ra"mpaale- 'Iko      va'p'ha-nlo      tavct'met'a-'wu      ra'mti'       bep'ha-'nlo 
Then  asked  him      that  east,      "What  thy  possession?"      Then  said      the  east 

pet' ha-'wuhe  V  pets'a-kai  tax           tc'umye'L  yaxtekVn 

"Have  I  the  wind  and  ice!"  "Let  them  come!" 

ra'mt'ia  tse'ru<jf>ke-rwuc6  ra'm'ecxa-its'e  ra'mpa-le-'lko 

Then  went         again  to  where  was.         Then  dawned  again.         Then  asked  him 

va'le'c  ra-nmo"  tast'met'xa'  ra'mte'  bele-'c 

that  north,       "And  thou?       What  thy  possession?"       Then  said       the  north, 

pet'  ha-'wuhe"k'        ts'a-ka'i       taxle'cxai       taxtc 'umye'L       yaxte'k'an 
"Have  I         wind         and  rain          and  ice!"  "Let  them  come!" 

ka'  bespe-k'  ra'mt'ia  tsVru/?me-yo"  ta-k'at 

said         the  hawk.         Then  went         again  to  same         tree. 

ramsma'kaits 'e  ramt'xwen  pets'a-kai'  taxpetc 'umye'L 

Then  night  again.         Then  came         the  wind         and  the  ice. 

ramk'uts'e-'nu        k'salo-'ce'        pa-ke"nu        k'salo-'ce'        te'ho'ne-tak 
Then  contented       very  already;       thought       very  already       that  would  win. 

ra'mte  rupk'ewe'L  ra-nmo"  ok'ewe'L  tactmet'xa' 

Then  said       to  the  west,       "And  thou?       O  West,       what  thy  possession?" 

ra-'mte        pek'ewe'L        pet' xa-'wuhe"k'         le'cxai        tax        ts'axe'L 
Then   said         the  west,         "Have  I        rain         and         snow, 

k'eune'L        taxts'a-kai'        taxwatc 'umye'L        yo 'ra'mte'        pespe-'k' 
hail         and  wind         and  that  ice!"         Then  said  the  hawk 

rako"icxai 'ya 'te^ksa-j"  kept 'a"  ksa'luk'o'lup'  xwe'n 

that  not  wished  to  dawn  yet.         "I  am  cold         already  very!  "         Came 

k'sa-j-Tjk'o'lup'  bek'eune'L  amkept 'a-'k' sa  k'oluplo 

more  yet  much         the  hail.         Then  was  cold  more         much  already. 

xwe'nksa          lok'ol-up'          k'eune'L          tca'aten          amkept 'a-"k' sa 
Came  more         already  much         hail         great.         Then  was  cold  more 

lok'olop'  ra7/ko"icxayak' sa.i'n  k'olop'  §,nxwe'nk'sa 

much  already.         Then  not  dawned  more  yet         much.         Then  came  more 

lopts'axeL        yo'ra-'mtom'  met'xwen         pets'a-kai         tamk'me't'oulo 
already  snow.         And  fell.         When  came         the  wind         then  thick  already 

pets'axe'L        meH'xwen         ts'a-k'ai         yo'ra'mto'M         tc 'umya-'ale ' 
the  snow.         When  came        wind         then  fell         icicles 

loyas/3eke-'wu      ra'm'ecxai         ra'mteta'k         keten.a-'so         naspe-'k' 
already  only  the  his  place.     Then  dawned,     then  said,     "What  befell     this  hawk? 

nok'i-'c  t'ko'ticko'  ce'tep'Ma'aste'k'  ke'ra'  te'k'ksa' 

Seems         that  not  is,         has  died!         No         appears 


1918]  Mason:  The  Language  of  the  Salinan  Indians  75 

ko'f  ico-pra'ke'          ter'a'-ke'N          tice'tep          ka'me-'t          ra'tsY'k' 
not  anywhere.        Therefore  think        that  dead.         Try        to  see 

oTicko'  tu^tet'  o  'ina-'so  o'ticko'         k'o'nlox  k'we'L 

if  is        on  the  his  seat,         if  is."         Arrived        people 

ru<£ke-'wu         amko'ye-ma '         ra'mts'e"n         pet'o'oi'yu         peta-'k'at 
to  the  his  place.         Then  not  seen.         Then  looked         the  its  trunk        the  tree. 

ramku'yema'       ra'mteta'k       cko"       mas       ra'la-'ko        pa'ts'a'xe'L 
Then  not  seen.  Then  said  ,          "Is  more  below          that  snow; 

noki-'crum'       ket'me'l       pats'axe-'L       ka'me-'ta       xa'pek'       o'ticko' 
seems        mass        that  snow.         Try         dig        if  is." 

ra-mcko"         yo'ra'mteta'krume'         ce'tepte'k'         ts  Vtelo-mtek 'k' sa' 
Then  was.         Then  said  then,         "Died!         Was  cold  very. 

tercto'm       yo  'ramteta  V        t  Vloinoxtek '       bek'  la'k'  Mak'        ye^mno' 
Therefore  fell. "         Then  said,         "Finished          the  brave  one!         Henceforth 

rapt  Via'        kl'ya-te'        ce'tepto'wa-f  16        pepeta"ko        t' ika-'pt 'ela 
to  be  cold         always.         Dead  he  already         who  made         that  not  be  cold. 

t'oL        ka'tap'nehe'        no"        ra  'ko-'mat'  eltene '        no'        tita'te'k 'es 
One  must  henceforth  to  buy  now  blankets. 

ce'tep      to'wa-tLo        tu/3epeta"ako        tika-p't'ela'      ha"klo      piem.o' 
Died        already        this  who  made        that  not  be  cold.        We  already       know 

ta'tica-kai ' 
to  go." 

Great  Hawk  wished  to  test  whether  the  weather  was  mild  enough 
to  be  endured  by  the  people  without  the  aid  of  blankets.  So  he  went 
to  the  South  and  said,  "South,  what  have  you  got?"  "I  have  rain 
and  wind  and  ice!"  replied  the  South.  "Let  them  come!"  said 
Great  Hawk  and  he  went  and  perched  on  top  of  his  favorite  dead 
tree.  All  night  it  rained  and  blew  and  froze.  At  last  it  downed  and 
Great  Hawk  was  well  content.  Then  he  went  to  the  East  and  said, 
"East,  what  have  you?"  "I  have  wind  and  ice!"  replied  the  East. 
"Let  them  come!"  said  Great  Hawk,  and  he  went  to  his  favorite 
place  again.  All  night  it  blew  and  froze  but  when  it  dawned  he 
was  well  content  and  went  to  the  North.  "And  you,  North,  what 
have  you?"  "I  have  wind  and  rain  and  ice!"  "Let  them  come!" 
said  Great  Hawk  and  he  went  to  the  same  tree  again.  Then  again 
it  became  night  and  the  wind  and  ice  came.  But  at  last  it  dawned 
again  and  Great  Hawk  was  very  happy ;  he  thought  he  would  get  the 
better  of  the  winds. 

Then  Great  Hawk  went  to  the  West  and  said,  "And  you,  O  West, 
what  have  you?"  Then  the  West  replied,  "I  have  rain  and  snow, 


76  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 

hail  and  wind  and  ice  ! "  "  Send  them  along ! ' '  said  Great  Hawk  and 
he  went  to  his  tree  again.  All  night  long  the  blizzard  continued  and 
Great  Hawk  said,  ' '  It  doesn  't  want  to  dawn  yet ;  I  'm  very  cold  ! ' ' 
And  yet  came  more  hail  and  it  became  colder.  And  great  hail-stones 
fell.  And  it  did  not  dawn  yet.  And  then  fell  more  snow.  When  the 
wind  came  the  snow  wras  very  deep,  and  great  icicles  formed  on  Great 
Hawk's  perch. 

At  last  it  dawned  and  the  people  said,  "What  has  happened  to 
Great  Hawk  ?  It  seems  he  is  not  around ;  has  he  died  ?  He  does  not 
appear  anywhere,  so  we  think  he  must  be  dead.  Let's  go  and  see  if 
he  is  on  his  accustomed  seat. ' '  Then  the  people  came  to  the  place  but 
Great  Hawk  was  not  to  be  seen.  They  searched  the  trunk  of  the  tree 
but  could  not  find  him.  Then  someone  said,  "There  is  something 
beneath  the  snow;  it  seems  that  there  is  a  heap  there.  Let's  dig  to 
see  what  it  is."  And  there  was  Great  Hawk.  Then  they  said,  "He 
is  dead !  It  was  very  cold  and  therefore  he  fell.  The  brave  one  is 
dead ! ' '  they  said.  ' '  Hereafter  it  will  always  be  cold ;  he  who  wished 
it  not  to  be  cold  is  dead!  Now  we  must  buy  blankets;  he  is  dead 
who  would  have  it  not  cold.  Now  we  know  what  we  must  do. ' ' 


THE  ANIMALS  AND   GOD  IT 

pekuwa-'yu  sepastcene 'ku  bek'e'nca-ni  repa'mt'a'k 

The  horse        beseeched        the  God         to  kill  him. 

ra'teta'k  ke'ra'  atelo'yo'mo"  yo'puato'wi'  meca-k 

Then    said,         "No,         his    friend,    thou.         He    commands         always; 

sekts  'e'pgact'  ko'ka-mko  yo  'puwato'wi '  sepeta'  'akomo 

is  good  only  that  not  kill  him.         He  commands,         shouldst  do  thou 

tume'p'  ua-'tuwi '       ruma"atelo'i        sekots'ep'        rume'ta'k        k'i'cvi' 
then   commands         thy  friend.         Is   not  good         to   do         thus. 

ki'cho-ni          yas          tuma'Helo  'imo          yo'puatowi'          tako'myaM 
Is  poor         only         thy  friend  thou;         he  commands.         And  dost  not  see 

ka'ra'      t'ika'wu      pecxo'mect     wa-to'wi'      gas     sea'telo'itu'wa-tMo" 
not         to  be         pity         command;         only         is   friend  who  commands  thou. 

terc'kic'vi'          se'Ma'wumo'          rumat'  Ma-'lxo         ti'k'e'wu         mo" 
Therefore  thus  is  carry  him  thou  to  thy  desire,  his  place.         Thou 

ticxe'Vu  yo 'te'rcts 'e'p  t' ikomt 'i'kax  ta'ml'ko-mo' 

his  foot.         Therefore  good         that  not  thou  killest  him,         friend  thou. 

ke'cvitenmot'  iheyo"          ts 'ep' kact' rp' ua-'tui '          'ii/kera'         rasrake 
So  art  also  thou  of  him.         Good  only  to  command         so  that  not         anything 

xumo-ni ' 
evil." 


Told  by  David  Mora,  1916. 


1918]  Mason:  The  Language  of  the  Salinan  Indians  77 

pemaT         sepastc 'ene"ekoten         bek'  e'nca-niL      tipa'mk'  NG  'eLko 
The  beast         begged  him  also         the  God         to   kill  them 

na't'u-t'a-'L        pa-'lxo        tipo'taxlele 'eko        'ensa-mo'x        ra'mteta'k 
this  people.         Wished         to  gore  them         in  order  to  die.         Then  told 

ru<£k<  e'nca-niL  ke'ra'  mo'  lamxa'to  me'pam-ka' 

by  the  God,         "No,         thou        his  food.        When  kills  thee 

ko'p'tc'e-wa-nuwi'         rako'ki-cmo"          pt 'a-'kioxomoxyas          seke'ra' 
not  thrown  away,         then  not  like  thou.         Killest  him  thou  only;         is  not 

fme"envi"       tumt 'a-'k' iax      kera'      ko'micax      pecxont  'a'  'womo  'yds 
thy  need         to  kill.         No,         not  thou  eatest.         Poor  killest  thou  only, 

rako'kichiyo' T        ruma'ma'i        sekicxa"umo'yas       tu^hlyo't' 
that  not  like  them         to  kill.  Art  eaten  thou  only  by  them. ' ' 

The  Horse  begged  God  for  permission  to  kill  men.  But  God 
replied,  "  No !  You  are  his  friend ;  he  must  command  you  always.  It 
is  better  that  you  do  not  kill  him.  It  is  his  place  to  command,  yours 
to  do  your  friend's  orders.  It  is  not  good  to  do  as  you  ask.  Your 
friend  is  poor  also.  Do  you  not  see  that  it  is  not  painful  to  be  com- 
manded when  it  is  your  friend  who  commands  you?  Therefore  you 
must  carry  him  to  the  place  where  he  wishes;  you  are  his  foot.  So 
it  is  not  well  that  you  should  kill  him,  for  he  is  your  friend.  Like- 
wise you  are  a  friend  of  his.  It  is  well  that  he  should  command  you 
and  that  you  should  not  do  him  any  harm. ' ' 

The  Ox  also  begged  God  for  permission  to  kill  people ;  he  wished 
to  gore  them  so  that  they  would  die.  But  God  replied,  "No,  you  are 
his  food.  When  they  kill  you  they  do  not  throw  you  aside.  You 
would  not  do  that ;  you  would  only  kill  them.  You  have  no  need  to 
kill  them  for  you  could  not  eat  them.  You  would  only  kill  the  poor 
f ellows ;  you  would  not  do  as  they,  for  they  kill  you  merely  to  eat  you. ' ' 


THE   PELICAN  is 

le-lo"  bete-'u  ktu'xo-ke  tetVwat'  k'wa-'kV 

Long  ago         the  pelican         was  murderer         of  people.        Long 

betee'lko          me'tk'onlox          k'weL          se"Mate'la'wu          rumteemo' 
the  his  bill.         When  came        people,        invited         them         to  his  house 

enhot'Lo'p'  tenasma'k'ai  ke'taijnlaik'  ckotet  'oLtica"awu 

to  pass         for  this  night.         Told  him         was  one  his  daughter. 

ke'taunla-ik'  kaxa'u  tenalets'e"  ke'ra'  ko'xaiyi' 

Told  him,  "Sleep  with  this  woman!  No!  Not  be  afraid!" 

18  Told  by  David  Mora,  1916;  translated  from  Spanish  of  Juan  Quintana. 


78  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 

ts'ep'  ka'xawan  tu/3ake-'wulits  'e'  anheyo"  ka-'uten 

"Good!"         Slept  at  that  her  place  woman.  And  he  slept  also 

tupsk'a'myas        rume'yema-ni 'klo    tet'o'xo-ten'    yo 'ra'mk 'O-L   bete-'u 
at  the  near  only.      When  knew  already        to  snore,        then  arose        the  pelican. 

tamt'iya'x  resk'a-'m  bete-'u  ramkla'pai  pa-'le'ltko 

Then  went         to  near         the  pelican.         Then  three         asked  him, 

umka'xa-ulo'  umka'xa-ulo'  umka'xa-ulo'  rampe'na-iko 

' '  Art  sleeping  already  ?    Art  sleeping  already  ?    Art  sleeping  already  ?    Then  wounded 

ru<£tee'lko  rumtaa-'wo  k'sa'  ki'cvi'  ti-'t' u' rats 'a 

with  the  his  bill         in  his  heart         much.         Thus  is         to  do  always 

pamk'nelko         t'o'wat'         yo'ra'mt'k'onlox         bela"         tax/2esk'an 
killed         people.         Then  arrived         the  raven         and  the  hawk. 

pe"snai'yax         tit'icko'        toxo-ke'        ramca'moca-i 'k        tast'ma'lox 
Heard        that  was        murderer.        Then  greeted  him,        "What  thy  desire?" 

yo 'ra'mha' te '  yo  'ra'mtetaunla  'ik  kaxa'u  kakclo"ux 

Then  remained.         Then  told  them,         "Sleep         both  together 

tu/3a  'keu'ctou-"  ramka'wu.ox  tickomo-yas  amke'ta-te' 

in  that  her  place  girl."         Then  slept         little  only.         Then  made 

tet'o'xo-ten          /Mits'e-"          seka'Vu.ox          an'Ma'iko          raerake' 
to  snore.         The  woman         slept;         gave   her         something 

enka'u  yo  'ra'mt'  a  'ya,x  fa-'kat'  k'e-'L  ru^keruha-'L 

to  sleep.         Then  put         logs         dry         in  the  places. 

yamke'ta'i  tito'xo-ten  tik'i-'c  t'o'wut'  yo'ramk'o-L 

Then  made         to  snore         to  resemble         people.         He  then  arose 

/?elwa"       yo'ra'mt'e'         ki-ne"k'          pt'a-'k'ioxo         yo'ra'mt'iyax 
the  man.         He  then  said,         "Go  will  I        kill  them!"         He  then  went 

t'iskVm  yoramt'i'  ka'xa-ulo  ka'xa-ulo  ka'xaulo 

to  near.       He  then  said,       "Sleep  already?       Sleep  already?       Sleep  already?" 

yo'ra'mpena-iko  peta-'kat'  ramka'p'  axtenop  ksa' 

He  then  struck  the  log.  Then  split  entirely  • 

peta"ako  yo'ra'mtitc'o'mnox  tita'xap  yo'ra'mte' 

the  his  head.  He  then  fell  dead.  She  then  said 

belits'e-'  k'i'cva'  ki-'ya-te'  t'ika"awu  t'lpa-mko 

the  woman,  "Thus  was  always  to  do  to  kill 

t'o'wut' 
people. 

Long  ago  Pelican  was  a  murderer  of  the  people.  His  bill  was  very 
long.  When  people  came  by  he  would  invite  them  to  pass  the  night 
in  his  house.  He  would  tell  them  that  he  had  a  daughter  and  would 
say  to  them,  "You  may  sleep  with  the  woman;  don't  be  afraid!" 


1918] 


Mason:  The  Language  of  the  Salinan  Indians 


79 


"Good!"  the  visitor  would  reply.  Then  the  stranger  would  sleep 
with  the  daughter.  Pelican  slept  close  by  and  when  he  heard  his 
guest  snore  he  would  arise  and  go  there  and  ask  three  times,  "Are 
you  asleep?  Are  you  asleep?  Are  you  asleep?"  And  if  he  got  no 
answer  he  would  drive  his  long  bill  into  his  heart  and  kill  him.  That 
was  the  way  he  always  killed  people. 

At  last  one  day  Raven  and  Prairie-Falcon  came  by;  they  had 
heard  that  there  was  a  murderer  there.  He  greeted  them  and  asked 
them  what  they  wished.  They  replied  that  they  wished  shelter  for 
the  night.  Pelican  agreed  and  they  remained.  He  said  to  them,  "You 
may  both  of  you  sleep  with  the  girl ! "  So  they  lay  with  the  girl  but 
slept  only  a  little.  Then  they  pretended  to  snore.  The  girl  was 
sound  asleep  for  they. had  given  her  something  to  make  her  sleep 
soundly.  Then  they  put  two  logs  of  dry  wood  in  their  places  and  hid 
themselves.  They  caused  the  logs  to  snore  like  people.  Then  Pelican 
arose  and  said,  "I  will  go  and  kill  them!"  He  came  close  by  and 
asked,  "Are  you  asleep?  Are  you  asleep?  Are  you  asleep?"  And 
as  he  received  no  answer  he  gave  a  hard  stroke  with  his  bill.  He  hit 
the  log  and  split  his  head  all  to  pieces.  He  fell  dead.  Raven  and 
Prairie-Falcon  then  awoke  the  woman  who  said,  "That  is  the  way  he 
always  did  in  order  to  kill  people ! ' ' 


COYOTE  AND  THE  SALT  WATEE 

kakca'         kopia-'mo         tc'a' 
thirsty.         Not  saw  it         water. 


Lk'a         kakca'         kopia-'mo         tc'a'         ra-'mt'iya         rumco-k'a' 
Coyote         thirsty.         Not  saw  it         water.         Then  went         to  stream 

tita'ciM  k'mi't'ik'  pete' a"  rarmke-'l  peco-'k'a' 

to   drink.         Ean         the  water.         Then   dried         the   stream. 

ra'mtc'ehe-'na'       peLk'a'       ra-'mt'  iyaten       ra'mke-lts'e       tce'he-na' 
Then  angered      the  coyote.      Then  went  again,      then  dried  again.      Angered, 

ko-'la-wa'         takcuwa'51yu         ra'  Male-'ntxo         teli'he'         tumsk'em 
not  quenched         his  thirst.         Then  remembered         to  go          to  sea. 

kl-'rumsk'  e-m  titacim  tc'a'  ka'cim  ro<^tc'a" 

Went  to  sea         to  drink         water.         Drank         of  the  water 

kesio'hol  ra'mtese-'na'  tupt'micimo  tc'a'  yo'no' 

salty.         Then  sick         from  the  drinking        water.          He  "Good!" 

ra'mla-wa'  ta'kcuwa'i  tickumo"  yo'ra-'m'pNewu' 

Then  quenched         thirst         little.         He  then  seized  it 

peha"ko       tax        tet'eyina'i        ta'mt'ia        tetamet'i        cumk'o"m 

the   his   bow         and         arrows.         Then   went         to   hunt         squirrels. 


Told  by  David  Mora,  1916;  translated  from  Spanish  of  Juan  Quintana. 


80  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 

ra'mt' ierumkeu        xa'iya         te-le'k'         tepe'me-'lko         pecumk 'o'm ' 
Then  went  to  where         many         holes         to  catch  them         the  squirrels. 

ra'mtam          pet'oL          cumk'om'  ra'mpa-lxo  tepe't'eine-'ko 

Then  came  out         the  one         squirrel.         Then   desired         to  shoot  it. 

ra'msa-teL        wi-t'e'peno        ra'mts'okox        pecumk  'om'        tc'e'xe-na 
Then  murmured        in  his  bowels.        Then  frightened        the  squirrel.       Angered 

peLk'a'  me'na-ko  tits'o'kox  pecumk 'om  ta'mtam 

the   coyote         because         to   frighten         the   squirrel.         Then   emerged 

t'olten         ts'o'koxten          pe-lk'a'          tc'e'xe-nalo-ts'          pa-ma'mpko 
another,        frightened  again.        The  Coyote        angered  was  again.        Drew  out 

petse'uto  tet 'eyinai 'yu  ta-'mto'xot/ Nap'  betika'no 

the  point         of  his  arrow.         Then  ripped         the  his  bowels. 

yo  'ramta'xap  yo  'ra-mpet  'e'yine  'korumle-m  yora-'myema'  'm 

He  then  died.         He  then  shot  arrow  upwards.         He  then  was  seen 

tupckVn  ko'yema'  pelk'a'  ta'mwa'Li'  pexo-pneL 

by  the  hawk.         Not  was  seen         the  coyote.         Then  sent         the  vulture 

tetc'a-uye'  ra-myo"  p'ia-'mo  ravmpokolca-'ko 

to  seek.         Then  he         saw  him.         Then  reported 

tu/?esk  Vn '         tamt  'oke-lax 

to  the  hawk.         Then  revived  him. 

Coyote  was  thirsty  and  could  not  find  any  water.  He  went  to  a 
distant  stream  to  drink  where  the  water  was  running.  As  he  bent 
over  to  drink,  the  water  ceased  running  and  the  stream  dried  up. 
This  made  Coyote  angry  but  he  went  to  another  stream  where  the 
water  was  running  also.  This  also  dried  up  as  he  tried  to  drink  and 
he  became  more  angry  at  not  being  able  to  quench  his  thirst.  Then 
he  remembered  that  there  was  plenty  of  water  in  the  sea,  so  went  to 
the  shore  and  drank  some  of  the  salty  water.  It  made  him  a  little 
sick  but  he  said,  ' '  Good ! ' '  for  it  had  quenched  his  thirst  a  little. 

Then  he  took  his  bow  and  arrows  and  went  to  hunt  squirrels;  he 
went  to  a  place  where  there  were  many  squirrel  holes  in  order  to 
catch  them.  At  last  one  squirrel  came  out  and  he  prepared  to  shoot 
it.  But  his  bowels  made  a  noise  and  the  squirrel  caught  fright  and 
ran  away.  At  that  Coyote  was  very  angry  because  the  squirrel  had 
become  frightened.  Then  emerged  another;  Coyote's  bowels  mur- 
mured again  and  again  the  squirrel  fled.  Then  Coyote  became  very 
angry;  he  took  an  arrow-point  and  ripped  open  his  bowels.  Just 
before  he  fell  dead  he  shot  an  arrow  high  into  the  sky.  This  was  seen 
by  Prairie-Falcon  but  he  could  not  see  Coyote  so  he  sent  Vulture  to 
find  him.  The  latter  found  him  and  reported  to  Prairie-Falcon  who 
came  and  revived  him. 


1918]  Mason:  The  Language  of  the  Salinan  Indians  81 

THE  BEGINNING  OF  THE  WORLD  20 

lelo"         k'lu'wa'lo'          lice'          ka-'mp'          beck'e'M          ka-'wi 
Formerly,         long  ago         years,         rose         the  sea.         Hot 

k'sa'  ko'potot'na'  pap'ene"eko  ki'sile'  hoMk'we'L 

very,         boiled.         Covered         all         world, 

ki'sile'  beket'po'i  ta-s  besantalusi'a  ke'ra' 

all         the  mountains         but         the  Santa  Lucia;         no 

kopap'he'ne-ko  k'lo'x  ki-c  ka-'k'cu  ticxe'he' 

not  covered  it.         Was  high         about  '       two         feet 

teyoxana"yu         pete' a'         ra-'mt' cko '         besai'yu         rumt'  ik'  a'ko 
above          the  water.         Then  was        the  eagle         on  its  summit 

bekit'po'i          yo'ra'mti'          besai'yu          ru/?elaa't'          tako'ma-mko 
the  mountain.         He  then  said         the  eagle         to  the  duck,         ''Not  art  able 

rumiya'         rumne"tc'xo"         ra'mt'i'         §a/'          pa-'mko         he"k' 
to  go  to  fetch  earth?"  Then  said  "Yes!  Can  I!" 

ra'mpox  umtoo'ke  beck'e'm  ra'nkep'  tc'  o'p'  ke'ra' 

Then  entered         to  within         the  sea.         Then  tired,         no, 

ko't'uxwen       ra'mt'a-mp'          ra'mf  iyaten         p'me-'toteN         ripo'x 
not  arrived.         Then  came  up;         then  went  again,         tried  again         to  enter 

tumto'°ke      bete' a'      ra'mp'Ne'ewu      skomu'      tc'xo"      ra'mt'a-mp' 
to  within         the  water.         Then  seized         little         mud.         Then  arose 

rumle-mo'  peck'e'm  tasme-'t'k'onox  sek'  ce'tep'  LO 

to  its  top         the  sea.         But  when  arrived         was  dead  already. 

tanbesai'yu          pa-ma'mp'ko          skomo'          tcxo"          ru<^>t' icele"wu 
And  the  eagle  took  it  little  earth  of  the  his  nails. 

ra'Mp't'o'xNe'wu           bet'icxo'  taa'm  polt'e-"ko           p'Le-'to 

Then  rolled  it         the  earth.         Then         cut  it         pieces. 

peta"ako          ki-'ca'          a'mpeta'ako          kefne'l'          roySe'tWiya' 
Made  it         four.         Then  made         balls         of  the  one  every. 

ra'Mp'Ll-"ixo  t'oLt'ia'  tu/?e'  ket'me'l'  p'ok'ica" 

Then  threw  them         one  every         of  the         balls         to  four 

na"xo  humk'weL  yo'ra'm  c-ap'  peck'e-m 

points*  of    world.  It    then  sank         the    sea. 

yo'ra'mt'eta-ha'        reki-'c        lo        nata'a'        humk'weL        ke'ta-ha' 
It  then  was  made       to  resemble        already       the  today     world.        Were  made 

baket'po'i         tax         co-'k'ateN         tax         ckoN         ta-M         fiya' 

the    mountains         and         streams         and         gullies.         Then         went 

beck'en  rump'ake-'ulota'           nata'a'           ta-s          me't  'oLk  WL 

the  sea        to  the  place  already  now         today.         But        when  one  time 
ta'pa-mko  rita'xapte-he '  beli'cxai  tax  taXapte-he' 

to  be  able         to  end         the  rain         and         to  end 


20  Translated    by    Maria    Encinales    from    Spanish    of    Juan    Quintana,    1916. 
Cf.  Ethnology,  p.  190;  present  paper,  p.  104. 


82  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Etlm.     [Vol.  14 

umk'we'L  teN  taxrice't'  Lip'  k'we'L  tanbeck'e'M 

world         again         and  to  die         people.         And  the  sea 

seka-'mp'  teN          yo  'ramt'  uxapte-'he '           umk  'we'L 
rises  again.         It  then  ends         world. 

Many  long  years  ago  before  there  were  any  people  on  the  earth 
the  sea  suddenly  rose,  boiling  hot  and  flooded  the  whole  world.  It 
covered  all  the  mountains  except  Santa  Lucia  Peak  which  remained 
about  two  feet  above  water.  And  there  on  the  summit  gathered  all  the 
animals  with  Eagle  as  their  chief.  Then  he  said  to  Duck,  "Cannot 
you  dive  down  and  bring  some  earth?"  "Yes,"  replied  Duck.  "I 
can  do  it. "  So  he  dove  in  the  sea.  But  before  he  reached  the  bottom 
he  became  tired  and  had  to  come  up  again.  Once  again  he  entered 
the  water  and  tried  to  reach  the  bottom.  At  last  he  reached  bottom 
and  seized  a  little  bit  of  mud.  Then  he  came  up  to  the  top  again  but 
when  he  arrived  he  was  dead  from  lack  of  air.  But  Eagle  took  the 
earth  that  remained  beneath  his  nails  and  rolled  it  into  a  lump.  Then 
he  cut  it  into 'four  pieces  and  made  balls  of  them.  Then  he  threw 
one  of  the  balls  to  each  of  the  four  cardinal  points  of  the  world. 
Then  the  sea  sank  and  the  world  became  as  it  is  today.  The  moun- 
tains and  the  streams  and  the  gullies  were  made  and  the  sea  retired 
to  where  it  is  today. 

But  some  time  in  the  future  the  rains  may  end  and  the  world  will 
end  again  and  the  people  will  die.  The  sea  will  rise  again  and  the 
world  will  come  to  an  end. 

THE  THEFT  OF  FIEE  21 

lelo"  ke'ra'  ta'aV  tasta-cne'L  t'u-t'a'L 

Long  ago         no         fire         but  some         people 

pet'xa-'wu           taVu          ra'mteta'k'  ake'nota'a'siL  ra'mt'i' 

had         fire.         Then  said,         "What  to  do?"         Then  said 

pesna-'k'          hek          pa-'mko          te''ne"        .  taVu'          ta-'mteta'k 
the  rat,  "I         can         to  fetch         fire."         Then  said, 

ake'tumti-"yu        rumne"         he'k        p'iem.o"         tii"o        ra'mt'iya 
"How  thy   ability         to   fetch?"         "I         know         to   do."         Then   went, 

k'Mi't'ik'  k'sa'  ra'mt'  k'  o'nox  rumke'u  peta-cne'L 

ran  hard.  Then  arrived  to  their  place  the  other 

t'out'a-'L      ra-'molox      ramoce"      pa-'xo      petitsV'ewo      rumta'a'u' 
people.  Then  jumped          in  flames,          put  the  his  tail  in  fire. 

ta'maca-L  raMt'ia-'to  teme't'ik  pa'xaiyo  tec-a'p' 

Then  lighted,         then  went         to  run.         Feared         that   extinguish 


21  Translated   by   Maria   Encinales   from   Spanish   of   Juan   Quintana,   1916. 
Cf.  p.  105. 


1918]  Mason:  The  Language  of  the  Salinan  Indians  83 

petowo"iyu         a'mtok'  o'nox         tiko'c-a'p'         t'uxwento       tecu-'une' 

the  his  light.         Then  arrived         to  not  extinguish.         Finally         kindled 

rumke/wu  tika-mpo"t* 

in  place         their  field. 

Long  ago  the  people  had  no  fire,  but  some  other  distant  people 
possessed  it.  So  they  said,  ' '  What  shall  we  do  ? "  Then  the  Kangaroo- 
rat  said,  "I  can  go  and  fetch  fire!"  "You!"  they  said.  "How  can 
you  fetch  fire?"  "I  know  what  to  do,"  he  replied.  So  he  ran  hard 
until  he  arrived  at  the  camp  of  the  people  who  had  fire.  He  jumped 
in  the  fire  and  his  tail,  which  was  then  long  and  bushy,  caught  fire. 
Then  he  ran  away  with  the  people  in  pursuit.  He  was  afraid  that 
the  fire  would  go  out  before  he  arrived  but  he  managed  to  arrive  with 
the  tail  still  burning.  So  the  people  kindled  their  fires  from  this  and 
ever  since  have  possessed  fire.  But  Kangaroo-rat's  tail  is  no  longer 
bushy. 

HOW  PEOPLE  WEEE  MADE  22 

besai'yu          pa-'xo          t'oL          lits'e"          rumke-'wu          beLk'a' 
The   eagle         placed   her         one         woman         in   his   place         the   coyote 

oNpapa-'!yu  pa-'lxo  temo'lox  tu/31its'e"  k'a' 

in  order  to  cohabit  with  her.      Desired         to  mount         to  the  woman.         Said 

/Jesai'yu  molo'xrena'  lits'e"  ra'mpeta'ako  tan 

the  eagle,         "Mount  to  this         woman!"         Then  made.         Then 

me't'ump'  tamMe-'ce'  teci'tip  tu^ke-'wu  belits'e' 

when  finished         then  half         to  die         in  her  place         the  woman. 

ra'mt'ryax        besai'yu        rip' co-'ke 'eno'         ra'mp'La'awu        pelits'e" 
Then  came         the  eagle         to  revive  him.         Then  left  her        the  woman. 

komp'Lo'  teheyo"  ra'mtV  beLk'a'  me'na'kono' 

Finished  already         with  her.         Then  said         the  coyote,         "Ah,  how 

te'ts'e'po  na'  lits'e"  k'ts'e'p  k'  pe-'ptelop'          lu'wa'yas 

to  be  good         this  woman!          Is  good         too  much."         Time  only 

teticko"  tece'tep'ya'          ran  la-'ut'a'  ke'ra'  lo' 

to  be         dead.         Then         left.         No         already 

ko't'ise          ti'ckoi'          k'Lu'wa'nop'          tiskumu"          ta'mtica-kts  V 
not  strong         to  be.         Time  was         little         Then  began  again 

beLk'a'  temo'lox  ro/2elits 'e'  taske'ra'lo'  ko'citip'ya' 

the  coyote         to  mount         to  the  woman.         But  not  already        not  died. 

ki'cnak'  ts  'e'p'  k'a'  beLk'a'  ke'ra'  kocitipten' 

"Thus  this  is  good!"         said         the  coyote.         "No         not  die  again! 

22  Translated   by   Maria  Encinales   from   Spanish   of  Juan   Quintana,   1916. 
Of.  Ethnology,  p.  190,  191;  present  paper, -p.  104. 


84  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 

me-'mten        k'ts'e'pLo"         kl'cvi'        ran         teta-xa'        bet 'out 'a-L 
Now        is  good  already        thus  is        then         to  make         the  people!" 

ra'mtV         besai'yu         kts'e'p'          k'o'lop' 
Then  said         the  eagle,         "Is  good         very." 

Eagle  placed  a  woman  with  Coyote  that  he  might  cohabit  with 
her.  He  had  just  formed  her  and  as  yet  she  had  not  been  tested. 
Coyote  desired  to  mount  the  woman.  Then  Eagle  said,  ' '  Mount  this 
woman!"  Coyote  obeyed  but  when  he  had  finished  he  was  nearly 
dead.  Eagle  came  and  revived  him.  Then  Coyote  retired  and  said, 
' '  Ah,  the  woman  is  good ;  she  is  too  good ! ' '  He  was  dead  only  a 
short  while;  then  he  retired.  He  was  still  very  weak.  A  short  time 
passed  and  again  Coyote  desired  to  mount  the  woman.  But  this  time 
he  did  not  die.  "Now  it  is  all  right,"  said  Coyote.  "I  did  not  die 
again !  Now  it  is  good ;  this  is  the  way  to  make  people ! ' '  Then  said 
Eagle,  "Very  good!" 

THE   TAB-MAN  23 

le-lo'          t'oLk'we'L          cko"          t'oL          t'o'xo-ke          pef  xa-'wu 
Long  ago         one  time        was         one         murderer.         Had  it 

t'oL         cla"         ka'p'e-L         sma'k'         ko'potot'  icna '         me-Tuxwen 
one        basket         filled         asphalt,         boiled.         When  came 

ta-'ra'ke  ra-ts'  p'ca-'mo'cko  akl-'c  we'e'sxa 

anybody        there         greeted  him,         "Howdy,         cousin!" 

pespolo'xo           peme-'no          ra'mp'Lixo  rumtoo'ke  besma'k' 

Seized  him         the  his  hand.         Then  threw  him         to  within         the  tar. 

ramt'xwen       rume'      beckVn       tax       bela-a"         ra-'mca-moca  'yi  'k 
Then  came         then         the  hawk         and         the  raven.         Then  was  greeted. 

ra'mtispa 'lax         beme-'no         peckVn         pespolo'xo         pet'olme-'no 
Then  seized         the  his  hands.         The  hawk         seized  it         the  one  his  hand 

tanbela"a           pespolo'xo  teN           pet'olme-'no          ra'mllya  'iyax 

and  the  raven         seized  it         again         the  one  his  hand.         Then  was  thrown 

tumtoo'ke  besma'k'  ra'mt'o"N  besma'k'  tu/3eta-ki" 

to  within         the  tar.         Then  kindled         the  tar         by  the  making 

ta'a'u'  ke"taT  ta'a'u'          ru/2eteta'akoL  ra'mna-yi' 

fire.         Made         fire         with   the   fire-drill.         Then   fled 

bekt'o'xo-ke         peke'lent'xo         kl-'sili'         humk'we'L         ko'tco-xna' 
the  murderer.          Circled  all  through  world.  Dropped 

gas  t'i</  pesma'k'  tanbeke-'u  teto'm'  t'ia' 

only         each         the  tar.         And  the  place         to  fall         every 


23  Translated  by  Maria  Encinales  from  Spanish  of  Juan  Quintana,  1916. 
Cf.  Ethnology,  p.  194;  present  paper,  p.  108. 


1918]  Mason:  The  Language  of  the  Salinan  Indians  85 

besma'k'         sek'o'lpax  saxe-T  ump'a-'wu  beket'poT 

the  tar,         sprung  up         mescal.         Its  other  side         the  mountain 

ka-'se        tisantalusi'a        yo  'ra'mcetep'         bekt'o'xo-ke        ramump'a' 
named  of  Santa  Lucia  he  then  died  the  murderer.  Then  there 

ra'mt'  icko '         kite'  a/ '         saxe-T 
then  are         large         mescal. 

Once  upon  a  time  long  ago  there  was  a  man  who  murdered  the 
people.  He  had  a  basket  full  of  boiling  tar  and  when  anybody  would 
come  by  he  would  greet  him  and  say,  "Hello,  cousin!"  Then  he 
would  offer  to  shake  hands  with  him  and  as  soon  as  he  took  his  hand 
he  would  throw  him  into  the  boiling  tar.  Prairie-Falcon  and  Raven 
were  scouring  the  country  to  find  and  kill  all  the  murderers  and  came 
to  him.  He  greeted  them  and  extended  his  hands.  Prairie-Falcon 
seized  one  and  Raven  the  other  and  they  threw  him  into  the  boiling 
tar.  Then  they  set  fire  to  the  tar  with  their  fire-drills.  All  ablaze  the 
murderer  ran  all  over  the  country  with  the  blazing  tar  dropping.  And 
everywhere  that  a  drop  of  tar  fell  sprang  up  a  plant  of  mescal.  On 
the  other  side  of  Santa  Lucia  Peak  the  murderer  died  and  there  are 
great  quantities  of  mescal. 

PEAIEIE -FALCON  AND  WOODPECKEK  2* 

bela-"  taxckVn  p'ia-'mo't'  petc'a'm'  ak-i-'c 

The  raven         and  hawk         saw         the  woodpecker.         "Howdy, 

octelua"  tastumta-'aket  p'xe-'cohe"k'  pe.axa-'ko't 

old  man!         What  thy  deed?"         "Bury  I         the  their  bones 

bet'out'a'L  ksa-'moxlo  p'xa'p'ko  cko"  p'xe-'co 

the  people         died  already."         Digging         was         burying 

onko'tico-p'        pe.axa-'k'teno          ts'ep'  tanbela'a'  p<Ne"ewu 

in  order  not  to  see         the  their  bones.         Good!         And  the  raven         seized  it 

t'oL         k'Ma't'a-L         ts'ep'          octelua"         p'  Ma-'kahe"k<          na' 
one         white.         "Good!         Old  man,         give  thee  I         this! 

ma'xra't'mo"na'Yi        ta'mtV        xai'ya'        ts  'e'p'  ha-ni '        ra'mpa-xo 
Put  on  thy  waist."         Then  said,         "Many         thanks!"         Then  placed  it. 

ra'mpeta'ako  k'ts'e'p'  ke'ra'  ko'tipt'ak'ai'y«x  tas 

Then  made  him         good;         no         not  was  killed.         But 

me-'luwa'  ta'mpeta'ako  ts'e  xumo"  p'wa-'to' 

afterwards         then  made  him         again         bad.         Sent 

besmeko'i'  tept'aTko          betVwut          'yo'          terctee'xai'ya' 

the  rattlesnake         to  sting        the  people.         He          therefore  fierce 

nata  'a'         besme-koT 
today        the  rattlesnake. 


2*  Translated  by  Maria  Encinales  from  Spanish  of  Juan  Quintana,  1916. 


86  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 

Raven  and  Prairie-Falcon  met  Woodpecker.  "Hello,  old  man! 
What  are  you  doing?"  "I  am  burying  the  bones  of  the  people  who 
have  died!"  For  Woodpecker  was  also  a  murderer  of  the  people. 
He  was  digging  a  hole  in  order  to  bury  the  bones  so  that  they  could 
not  see  the  bones  of  the  people  he  had  killed  and  eaten.  Then  Raven 
seized  something  white  like  a  handkerchief  and  said,  ' '  Good !  Old 
man,  I'm  going  to  give  you  this  present.  Put  it  around  your  waist!" 
"Many  thanks!"  said  Woodpecker,  and  he  put  the  cloth  around  his 
waist.  At  first  it  did  Woodpecker  no  harm  but  later  it  bewitched 
him  and  made  him  die.  They  did  this  because  Woodpecker  was  evil 
and  had  sent  Rattlesnake  to  sting  the  people.  It  is  on  this  account 
that  Rattlesnake  is  dangerous  today. 

COYOTE  AND  WILDCAT  25 

beLk'a'  p'la-'mo  e-'ets'  pa-'lxo  rept'e'kaxo 

The  coyote         saw  pinacate.  Desired         to  kill  him. 

ra'mt'e'  beLk'a'  tact'  mi'yo  'k'  wet'  a'amiko  kite' a 

Then  said         the  coyote,         "What  thy   doing,         friend?"         Standing 

cko'          beLk'a'          ra'mts'ok'ox  e-'ets'  ra'mt'i'  cko" 

was  the  coyote.         Then  frightened  pinacate.  Then  said         "Am 

he'k'          riyo"        k  'a'lsalhe"k'       ko'        rumke'u        lime'm'        ya'x 
I         here         praying  I."         Was         their  place         wasps.         "Come! 

alsa-'L  riyo"  tamt'i'  peLk'a'  '$a/  palxohe'V 

Pray         here!"         Then  said         the  coyote,         "Yes!         Wish  I 

te^pi'snox  ta'mt'i'  ts'ep'  ra^mpa-'xo           betick'o'°lo 

to  hear!"         Then  said,         "Good!"         Then  placed         the  his  ear 

tumsk'a-'m  ru/?eke-'wu  beleme'm'  a'mt'i'  kesna" 

to  close         to  the  place         the  wasps.         Then  said,         "Is  true!" 

k'Lu'wa'nop'          reticko"          ra'mna-yi'         pe'e-'ts'  tambeLk'a' 

Long  time         to  remain.         Then  fled         the  pinacate.         Then  the  coyote 

sep'xa'p'ko  peke-'wu  beleme"m  ta'mta-melep' 

dug        the  place         the  wasps.         Then  came  out. 

ra'mtep'ts'e'nla'ik  homt'a"ako  kepts 'e'nla 'yik  k'o'lop' 

Then  stung  him         on  his  head.         Was  stung         much. 

ke'ta'f  tina-'yi'  pe.e-'ts'  peta"ako  tiko'lu-ne' 

Made        to  flee         the  pinacate;         made  him         fool. 

Coyote  saw  Wildcat  and  wanted  to  kill  him.  So  he  asked,  "My 
friend,  what  are  you  doing?"  He  was  standing  close  by.  Then 
Wildcat  was  frightened  and  replied,  "I  am  praying  here.  Listen  to 

25  Translated  by  Maria  Encinales  from  Spanish  of  Juan  Quintana,  1916. 


1918]  Mason:  The  Language  of  the  Salinan  Indians  87 

the  congregation ! ' '  For  there  was  a  hive  of  wasps.  ' '  Come  and 
pray ! ' '  said  Wildcat.  ' '  Surely ' '  said  Coyote.  ' '  I  want  to  hear  it ! " 
' '  Good ! ' '  said  Wildcat.  Then  Coyote  put  his  ear  to  the  ground  near 
the  wasps'  nest.  "To  be  sure!"  he  exclaimed.  He  remained  there  a 
long  time  listening  while  Wildcat  fled.  Then  he  began  to  dig  the 
wasps'  nest.  They  swarmed  out  and  stung  him  all  over  his  head; 
he  was  stung  very  badly.  Wildcat  caused  him  to  run  away ;  he  made 
a  fool  of  him. 

COYOTE  AND  HAEE  20 
le-lo"          k'm'wa'16'          lic-e'         bek-oT          k't'o'xo-ke         teN 

Long  ago,         very  long  ago         years         the  hare         was  murderer         also 

tet'uwut'  tanbeLk'a'  pa-'lxo  tept'e'kaxo  bek-ol' 

of  people.         And  the  coyote         wished         to  kill         the  hare. 

tan  belk'a'  k'ts'e'p*  k'o'lop'  tepe't 'e 'yine"ko  k'a  belk'a' 
And  the  coyote  was  good  very  to  shoot  arrows.  Said  the  coyote, 

cko'ra'  ts'ep'  p'  t  'e'kaxone  'k'  tanbekoT  seka'wucko" 
"Is  good!  Kill  him  will  II"  And  the  hare  sleeping  was. 

tant'o'L  cteluwa"  Lk'a'  k'a"  micko"  riteuwai"yu 
And  one  aged  coyote  said,  "Be  here,  this  side!" 

ra'mticko'  ra'mp'ia-'mo  ra'mpet 'eine-ko  tcik  taske'ra' 
Then  was;  then  saw  him.  Then  shot  arrow.  Chile!  But  no, 

ko'pena-iko  ra'mpeta'ako  t'a'a'u'  bekoT  tept'o"°nko 
not  hit  him.  Then  made  fire  the  hare  to  burn  him 

belk'a'          me't'e"ne"k<          k<sa<  k'wa"          k'a"          pe'e'ko' 

the    coyote.         "Shoot    him         more         distant!"         said         the    his    father 

beLk'a'  tanbet'a'a'u'  seka'tanop'  taske'ra'  ko'tapau-ye' 
the  coyote.  And  the  fire  spread,  but  no,  not  overtook. 

tan  ku'we'nox  ke'ra'  ko'citip'  ka'tc' a-mp' a '  k'o'lop' 
Then  returned.  No,  not  died.  Was  evil  very 

bekoT 
the  hare. 

Many  years  ago  Hare  also  was  a  murderer  of  the  people.  But 
Coyote  wished  to  kill  him  and  eat  him.  And  Coyote  was  a  fine  shot 
with  bow  and  arrow.  So  he  said,  ' '  All  right !  I  '11  go  and  kill  him ! ' ' 
He  crept  up  and  found  Hare  asleep.  Coyote's  father,  an  old  man, 
went  along  with  him  and  said,  ' '  Remain  here,  on  this  side ! ' '  Coyote 
saw  Hare  and  shot  an  arrow  at  him.  Chik!  But  he  did  not  hit  him. 
Then  Hare  awoke  and  made  a  fire  to  burn  Coyote.  For  he  was  a 


26  Translated  by  Maria  Encinales  from  Spanish  of  Juan  Quintana,  1916. 


88  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 

great  magician.  "Shoot  him  from  farther  away!"  shouted  Coyote's 
father.  The  fire  spread  rapidly  but  did  not  overtake  Coyote.  He 
returned  alive.  Hare  was  a  very  evil  man. 

COYOTE  AND  EABBIT  27 

beLk'a'        pa-'lxo        restl'yo'°wan        kic        bema'p'        ra'mt'e' 
The  coyote         desired         to  beautiful         like         the  rabbit.         Then  said 

avketumti-"yo  tet'xa'uwut'  ba'tumla-'k'of  ta-mt'i' 

"What  thy  deed         to  yellow         that  thy  neck?"         Then  said 

pema'p'          pox          he'k'  kl'ya-te'  ruMte'le'k'  tamt'e' 

the  rabbit,         "Enter         I         always         in  holes!"         Then  said 

beLk'a'  poxne 'kiya-t' e '  rumte-le'k'  ra'mt'iya  bema'p' 
the  coyote,  ' '  Enter  will  I  always  in  holes. ' '  Then  went  the  rabbit, 

p'Ne"ewu          k'a-'t'  ra'mpopo '°xo '  tumte-le'k^  ke-'ewo 

brought         hay.         Then  threw  it         in  hole         his  place 

peLk'a'  ra'mpa-xo  ta'a'u'          ran  yo  'terctet'  Axa'wut' 

the  coyote.         Then  put         fire.         Then         he  therefore  yellow 

beLk  'a' 
the  coyote. 

Coyote  wanted  to  be  as  beautiful  as  Rabbit.  So  he  asked  him, 
"What  did  you  do  to  have  such  a  yellow  shoulder?"  Rabbit  was 
afraid  of  Coyote  and  told  him,  "Why,  my  neck  is  yellow  because  I 
am  always  going  into  holes  in  the  ground. "  "  Good ! ' '  said  Coyote. 
"Then  I'll  go  into  holes  too!"  So  he  found  a  hole  and  went  in. 
Then  Rabbit  went  and  got  some  hay  and  threw  it  into  the  hole  behind 
Coyote.  Then  he  set  fire  to  it.  Coyote  was  badly  burnt  in  trying  to 
get  out  of  the  hole  and  on  this  account  has  a  yellow  patch  behind  his 
ears. 

COYOTE  AND  BULL  2s 

beLk'a'         pa-'lxo        tepi'cxo        beto-'lo         tarn         humt'a'ak'e' 
The  coyote         desired         to  eat         the  bull.         Then         in  road 

ra'mp'iya-mo  ~beto-'lo  tax  kepole-'ka  ta'mt'e'  akl-'c 
then  saw  him,  the  bull  and  the  sheep.  Then  said,  "Howdy, 

o'ta'mi-ko          a'ket'  me-'ke  'no'  make-'ra'        ke-yas          ta'mt'iyo. 

friend!        Where  thy  going  now?"        "To  such        place  only."        Then  went 

pelk'a'  ta'mpa-lxo  tepept 'e'kaxo  pa-'lxo  tepi'cxo 

the  coyote;         then  desired         to  kill  him.         Desired         to  eat. 

k'o'k'ol'cele'  fiya'  me'na'akon6<  tets'e'p*  pa'tuma"a-tela' 
Conversed  went.  "Ah,  how  to  be  good  that  which  carriest 

27  Translated  by  Maria  Encinales  from  Spanish  of  Juan  Quintana,  1916. 

28  Translated  by  Maria  Encinales  from  Spanish  of  Juan  Quintana,  1916. 


1918]  Mason:  The  Language  of  the  Salinan  Indians  89 

fiya'xra'  k'io't'Ne'  frya'x  ta'sta-'ava'  tuma"a 

there,         shaking        there!         What  are         to  carry 

fryax          ka'ke'lt'a          me'na'k'  umpa-'lxo          ha$          k'oV 

there?"         "Testicles,         why         thy    wish?"         "Yes,         hungry 

he"k'        k'o'lop'        taM        pet 'a'kha- 'ko        keto-'lo        betuma"awu 

I         very!"         Then         cut   them         the   bull         the   his    cargo, 

ka'ke'lt'a          p'na-'keto          beLk'a'  rant'xwe'nto  tepi'cxo 

testicles.         Gave  him         the  coyote.         Then  at  once         ate  them. 

me'na-  'akono'  tits'e'p'  tako'mnaL  ke'ra'  pa-'lxoteN 

"Ah,  how         to  be  good!"         "Not  thou  filled?"         "No,         desire  more 

he'k'       tas       ke'ra'     lo'       ra'me-yo"       pa-'lxo       IN       tepept'e'kaxo 
I         but         no         already!"         Then    he         desired         still         to    kill    him. 

'an  loeto-'lo  sek'icxa'lo-'  k'a'  pa-'lxo  IN 

Then  the  bull  feared,  said,  "Desires  still 

tipa'mha'k'  tuma-'lox  rumna'L  mi'cxo'ha'k'  aN 

to  eat  me!"         Thy  desire         to  fill,         eat  me         then 

ki'sili  ts'e'p'  pa'mkohe'k'  te 'i'cxou 'ka '  kl"sili' 

all!"         "Good!         Can  I          to  eat  thee         all!" 

ra'mt'e'  beto-'l  mitc'a"ra'  caxa'ta'yas  one'epo'x 

Then  said         the  bull,         "Stand  here!         Open  mouth  only         to  enter 

ta't'me-'lek'  ts'e'p'  ra'mca-xata '  peta"ako  k'sa" 

in  thy  mouth."         "Good!"         Then  opened  mouth,         made  it         very 

kite' a-'        betee'lko        pa-'lxo        repe'penxo        ki-'sili'        ma'we-'xe' 
large         the   his   mouth.         Desired         to   swallow         all.         "Stand 

ank'sa'          ra'mt'iyax         temi't'ik'          bepole-'k         ra'mp  'otaxle-ko 
firm!"         Then  came         to  run         the  sheep.         Then  butted  him 

umtee'lko        ra'mp5  Li'^xo        ka'p'  haxtenop'         peta"ako        yo'ra'M 
in  his  mouth.  Then  tumbled,  smashed  the  his  head.  He  then 

ce'tep  beLk'a'  ra'mt'ia'  beto-'lo  ke'ra'  ko'citip 

died         the  coyote.         Then  went         the  bull.         No,         not  died. 

p'Ne"ewuteN          beka'ke'lt'a          pa-a'xoten          ra'mt' larume 

Seized         again         the  testicles,         placed  them  again.         Then  went   away. 

Coyote  was  desirous  of  eating  Bull.  One  day  he  met  him  and  Kam 
in  the  road  and  greeted  them,  "Hello,  old  friend!  Where  are  you 
going?"  "To  such  and  such  a  place"  replied  Bull.  Coyote  went 
with  them  for  he  desired  to  kill  Bull  and  eat  him.  They  walked  along 
conversing.  Finally  Coyote  said,  "Ah,  how  good,  those  things  you 
are  carrying  there  shaking  look!  What  are  they?"  "My  testicles" 
replied  Bull.  "Why,  do  you  want  them?"  "Surely!  I'm  awfully 
hungry!"  So  Bull  cut  off  the  things  he  carried,  his  testicles,  and 


90  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.14 

gave  them  to  Coyote  who  immediately  ate  them.  "Ah,  how  good 
they  are !"  he  said.  "Aren't  you  full?"  asked  Bull.  "No,  but  there 
aren  't  any  more ! ' '  And  he  still  wanted  to  kill  Bull. 

Then  Bull  wras  afraid  and  said  to  himself,  "He  still  wants  to  kill 
me!"  So  he  turned  to  Coyote  and  said,  "If  you  want  to  be  full,  you 
had  better  eat  me  whole ! "  "  Fine !  I  can  eat  you  whole  ! "  "  All 
right,"  said  Bull.  "Stand  there  and  open  your  mouth  so  that  I  can 
jump  into  it ! "  "  Good ! ' '  said  Coyote.  And  he  opened  his  mouth 
very  wide;  he  wanted  to  swallow  Bull  whole.  "Stand  firm!"  said 
Bull  and  he  motioned  to  Ram.  The  latter  ran  hard  and  butted  Coyote 
so  hard  in  the  mouth  that  he  fell  down  with  his  head  smashed.  Soon 
he  died.  Thus  Bull  did  not  die.  He  went  and  cut  open  Coyote  and 
took  out  his  testicles  and  put  them  on  again.  Then  he  went  away. 


COYOTE  AND  THE  SUN  29 

beLk'a'  peta"ko  cko"  xa"ak'o  rumtitake"wu 

The  coyote         making         was         his  arrow         in  his  road 

pena"  ta'mt'ryax  pena"  we'ten  le-ta'na' 

the  sun.         Then  came         the  sun         about         noon. 

ra'mt'uxwen  tumke-wu  beLk'a  peta"ako  cko' 

When  arrived         to  his  place         the  coyote         making         was 

xa"k'o  cko'  tuwo"iyu'  temlt'o  tipa-'uj^o-ko 

his  arrow.         Was         his  fire         with  which         to  heat  it. 

rampet'  xa-'wu         smak'          temi'tV          tepa't'unk'a-xo          ramfi' 
Then  had         tar         with  which         to  stick.         Then   said 

bena"         tast'ml'yo'k         riyo"          ra'mtV          peta"ako          he'k' 
the  sun,         "What  thy  doing         here?"         Then  said,         "Make         I 

xak'  cko'°yas  bena"  pts'e"eko  kite 'a  cko' 

arrow."  Was  only  the  sun  watched.  Stopped  was 

riskumu'  ra'mt'i'  ts'ep'  meta"k  nacxomck'i" 

little.  Then  said,  "Good!  Make  me  this  favor 

tume'ta'k'  rixo't'up'  he'l-a  ra'mt'i'  /3elk'a' 

to  permit  me         to  pass!"         "Wait!"         then  said         the  coyote. 

ra'mtitc'a  gac-ko          bena"  ke'ra'  ko'se-ne'  ts'ep' 

Then  stopped         only  was         the  sun,         no         not  journeyed.         "Good! 

manata'x  antixo't'up'  ranke'ra 'ko'sa '  beLk'a' 

Allow  me         to  pass!"         Then  no,  not  spoke         the  coyote. 

ra'mt'  ickots  'e          skumu'          ra'mt'e'          rume'          Lk'a'          ts'ep 
Then   was   again         little.         Then    said         finally         coyote,         ' '  Good 

20  Translated  by  Maria  Encinales  from  Spanish  of  Juan  Quintana.  1916. 


1918]  Mason:  The  Language  of  the  Salinan  Indians  91 

a-n         ta'mtitc'a         ra'mp'Ne'wu         pexa"k'o         tax         pekisili' 
now."         Then   arose,         then   took         the  his   arrow         and         the   all. 

tanbena"  sekl'lo'  tanbeLk'a'  secko"yas  peta''ako 

And  the  sun         went  already         and  the  coyote         was  only  making 

cko '          xa'  'k  'o 
was         his  arrow. 

Coyote  was  making  arrows  in  the  sun's  path.  About  noon  the 
sun  came  along  and  when  he  came  to  the  place,  Coyote  was  making 
arrows  there.  There  was  his  fire  to  heat  the  arrows  and  he  had  tar 
with  which  to  stick  on  the  point.  Then  the  sun  said,  "What  are  you 
doing  here?"  And  Coyote  replied,  "I  am  making  arrows!"  Then 
the  sun  stopped  still  a  little  while  and  watched  him.  Then  he  said, 
"Good !  And  now  please  let  me  pass."  "Wait  a  couple  of  moments" 
replied  Coyote  and  the  sun  waited  a  little  longer  without  continuing 
his  journey.  "Good!"  he  said  again.  "Let  me  pass!"  But  Coyote 
did  not  answer  and  the  sun  waited  a  little  longer.  At  last  Coyote 
said,  "All  right  now!"  And  he  arose  and, took  his  arrows  and  every- 
thing. The  sun  continued  his  journey  and  Coyote  continued  making 
his  arrows. 

THE  SUN  AND  THE  MOON  so 

le-16'  seksa-'teL          kl'sili'          pena"          tax          tats'o-'opi' 

Long  ago         they  spoke         all,         the  sun         and         the  moon 

taxbetatcwa-'niL          ki-'sili'          pema'tVlak          ta'mtV          bena" 
and  the  stars,         all         the  animals.         Then  said         the  sun, 

nat'out'a-'L  se  k'  La'ma-ilak'  k'o'lop'  k'La'mhaL 

"This  people         are         eaters         very.         Eat  they 

gaski'ya-te'  ke'ra'  ke"yamk'a'  tik'a-weL          ra'mho'yi' 

only  continually.  No,  not  I  see  them  to  sleep."  Then  replied 

betats 'o'°pi '  ke'ra'  ke'ra'  ku'kicvi'  ki'kauyela-tc  'e ' 

the  moon,         "No!         No,         not  thus  is!         Are  sleepers! 

k'a'weL  gas  ki'ya-te'  me"yima' Ne'elk'  ke'ra' 

Sleep         only         continually!         When  see  them         no 

ki  'yamk'  a' '         tila'mhaL 
not  I  see  them         to  eat" 

Long  ago  everything  was  able  to  converse,  the  sun,  the  moon,  the 
stars  and  all  the  animals.  Then  the  sun  said,  "These  humans  are 
great  eaters ;  they  eat  all  the  time ;  I  never  see  them  sleep ! ' '  But  the 
moon  replied,  "No,  it  is  not  so!  They  are  great  sleepers;  they  sleep 
all  the  time.  When  I  look  I  never  see  them  eating ! ' ' 


so  Translated  by  Maria  Encinales  from  Spanish  of  Juan  Quintana,  1916. 


92  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 

PRAIRIE-FALCON,  XUI  AND  THE  SERPENT  si 


cko' 
Was 

ckak  '         sotope'no         pexu'i 
crow,         his   guardian         the  Xui, 

to'  'xo-ke 
murderer         of 

tet  'a'uwat  ' 
people. 

p'le'ixo            u-mp'  a-'ulak  '          p'i'cho            kats'a-Ne'L 
Threw  them         other  side  ground.         Ate  them         little  birds. 

mo-pa'k' 
Laurel 

sko" 
was         on 

mat5  o'Lni  '          ck  Vn          La/ 
hill.         Hawk       raven         walked. 

k'se"Ne' 

Sought 

k'tc'a'uye' 

pexu'i 
the  Xui. 

ta-'miyema'             pesk'a'k'             k'ma'lauk 
Then  seen         the  crow.         Told  him         seated 

ka'ciL 

mat  'o'Lni 
on  hill. 

yo'             metco-'k'a' 
"Ah!         Be  quiet!         Shoot  now!' 

hala'tome 
'         Then  went 

a'mt'  yaL 

tome'  '          p'  Li-'yaiyix          a'metitca  ' 
then.         Was  thrown.         then  alighted         the 

peto-lo-lai'yo'          ame't'ya 
his  flute.         Then  went 

bila"          yo'          hala'tome          mo"ts'a          hala'rome          a'mep'alo 
the  raven.      "Ah!      Shoot  now!      Thou  next!      Shoot  now!  "      Then  shot  him. 

pale-'lko         pe-t'a-'ko          ta-li-ye"          xwen          pesk'a'n         taxLa/' 
Asked  him,         tied  him         serpent.         Came         the  hawk         and  raven. 

tc'a'uye          ta-li-ye"          ka't'a-pelt'a          k'ye'ma          yo'           k'a' 
Sought         serpent         striped.         Was  seen.         "Ah!"         said 

pesk'a'n  La'  yo  na  t'ma-'lox  k'ai'isaiik' 

the  hawk         raven.         "Ah!         This         thy  desire!"         Was  spied. 

ke't'eyini-k  mo-'ts'a  yo'  me-tco"ka'  k'a'tume" 

Shot  him.  "Thou  next!  Ah!  Be  careful! "  said  then. 

a-na-xye"  yo-lo"  k' iyaxlo-'ba '  ts'a'kai"  k'a-'tume' 

"Run!         Ah!  Already         comes  already  that         wind!"         Said  then 

ku'mxa-t'a  p'enla-'k'o  te'lp'a'  p' ye'nt' onoha'k 

"Don't  cry!  Quick!  Hurry!  Approach  will  we! 

k'  o'loxlo-ha'k"  male-'ntax          tumtca'xaL         ki-'yaxng'          cko-T 

Arrive  already  we!         Remember         thy  power         Come  will         snake! 

yo'  hala'tome  mama'mpek  t'mi'cik'  mult'i'k' 

Ah!         Shoot  now!      .  Draw        thy  knife!         Cut  him 

packoT  yo-lo" 

that  snake!         Ah!" 

Crow  was  the  guardian  of  Xui,  the  murderer  of  the  people.  The 
latter  used  to  kill  them  by  throwing  them  over  the  hill  where  some 
little  black  birds  would  eat  them.  There  was  laurel  on  the  hill. 
Prairie-Falcon  and  Raven  came  along  looking  for  Xui  in  order  to 
kill  him.  Crow  saw  them  and  told  Xui  that  they  were  there  on  the 
hill.  "Be  quiet  now!"  said  Prairie-Falcon.  "Now  hit  him!"  They 


si  Told  by  Jose  Cruz,  revised  by  Pedro  Encinales,  1910.     Cf.  Ethnology,  p. 
192;  present  paper,  pp.  93,  110,  112. 


1918]  Mason:  The  Language  of  the  Salinan  Indians  93 

went  closer  but  Xui  seized  Prairie-Falcon  and  threw  him  over  his 
head.  But  Prairie-Falcon  possessed  a  magical  flute  and  alighted  on 
this  without  injury.  Then  Raven  came  up.  "Hit  him!  It's  your 
turn  now !  Hit  him ! ' '  Then  Raven  took  good  aim  and  knocked  Xui 's 
head  off. 

Then  Prairie-Falcon  and  Raven  came  in  search  of  the  great  striped 
Serpent.  They  saw  him.  "  Ah !"  said  they.  "This  is  the  fellow  we 
are  after!"  Prairie-Falcon  shot  at  him  but  Serpent  spied  them. 
"Now  it  is  your  turn!  Be  careful!"  cried  Prairie-Falcon.  Then 
Raven  shot  also  but  they  did  not  kill  him.  "Run!"  yelled  Prairie- 
Falcon.  ' '  Here  comes  Wind ! "  So  they  fled  with  Wind  and  Serpent 
in  pursuit.  "Don't  cry!"  said  Prairie-Falcon  to  Raven.  "Quick! 
Hurry!  We  are  getting  there!  Now  we  are  there!  Don't  forget 
your  magic !  Here  comes  the  snake !  Hit  him.  Draw  your  knife  and 
cut  the  snake !  That 's  the  way ! ' ' 


THE  MUEDEEEES  32 
tatcwa-'niL          k'tumlo'          niacila-'k'          tumle-mo'          meTya 

Star         fell  already,         morning  star         from  above.         When  came 

mk'we'L  kl-'yax  peckVn  k'ci't'ijp  nat'au'wat' 

to  earth         came         the  hawk.         Dead         this  people. 

k'  t  Vke-lax         a'met'auwat'        nadio's          peta"ko         nat'au'wat' 
Eevived         then  people.         This   God         made         this  people. 

t'oL  tcxa"  ka'ciL  xu'i  k'satap'ni'  ska-'k' 

One         rock         named         Xui         had  guardian         crow. 

p'Li-'xo         nat'au'wat'         tila'n          co-talai"          t'ol          ticxe'wu 
Threw  them         this  people         to  eat.         Limestone         one         his  foot 

k'a'k'a 
sang. 


In  the  beginning  the  morning  star  fell  from  heaven.  When  it 
reached  earth  then  came  Prairie-Falcon  and  found  the  people  dead. 
Then  he  revived  the  people.  But  it  was  God  who  made  people. 

There  was  a  rock  named  Xui  who  had  Crow  as  guardian.  He 
used  to  kill  people  by  throwing  them  over  his  head  so  that  they  might 
be  eaten.  And  another  murderer  was  a  one-footed  character  of  lime- 
stone who  always  sang  a  song  before  he  killed  people. 


32  Told  by  Jose  Cruz,  revised  by  Pedro  Encinales,  1910.     Of.  Ethnology,  p. 
192;  present  paper,  pp.  92,  110. 


94  .  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 

THE  KAINMAKEB  ss 

cko'  ctelua"  klicxa-i't 'ic  peta-'k°  le'cxai 

Was         old   man         rain-maker.         Made   it         rain 

merpa-'lxo        a'mti'        pa-'tel       kospolo'x        pestelua"        empeta-'ko 
when  wished.         Then  said  Padre,         ' '  Seize         the  old  man         to  make 

lecxai  taa'  tokolecxa-ita  sekot'ak'  takoxwete-lek 

rain         now!         If  not  rains  now         tie  him,         and  punish  him. 

tikotep'eL        titc'a"        ta'koxwete-lek        k'ts'ep'         take'metumka-'s 
If  not  fill         of  water,         to  punish  him. "         "Is  good,         I  try 

a'a/mko  amk'a-k'a  tamtump'  pai'  tumle-'m 

if  can."         Then  sang,         then  came         cloud         in  sky. 

a-mt'uk'  pet'e'lo-wa'  a'mtuxwen  tume'  belicxai 

Then  thundered         the  thunder.         Then  came         then         the  rain 

k'atapNe-xe'          beli'cxai          kera          ko'luwa'  tamtep'ena-t'eL 

hard.  The  rain  no  not  late.  Then  filled  them 

bepale-'lten  t'ma-'xo  bepa-'tei,  kma-la'k'  pestelua" 

the  barrels         that  placed         the  Padre.         Told         the  old  man 

§mpetc'e-ko          pali'cxai          k'la-uwi'  tamte'          toku'ka-luxten 

to  stop  it         that  rain.         Left  it.         Then  said         that  not  wish  again, 

ke'ra'         k  Vlop'  lo-'va ' 
no         enough  already! 

Long  ago  there  was  an  old  shaman  who  had  a  reputation  as  a  rain- 
maker who  could  make  rain  whenever  he  wished.  One  year  there 
was  a  long  drought  and  the  Padre  of  the  Mission  said,  ' '  We  will  test 
his  powers."  He  gave  orders  that  the  old  man  should  be  caught  and 
brought  before  him.  Then  he  said  to  him,  "If  you  do  not  make  it 
rain  so  that  it  will  fill  these  barrels  I  will  have  you  tied  and  whipped. ' ' 
"  It  is  good, "  replied  the  shaman,  "  I  will  try. "  Then  he  sang.  Soon 
the  sky  became  overcast  with  clouds  and  it  thundered.  Then  came 
the  rain  furiously ;  it  did  not  delay  long.  The  barrels  which  the 
Padre  had  placed  were  filled  quickly.  Then  he  told  the  man  to  stop 
the  rain.  And  it  stopped.  "We  do  not  wish  any  more,"  he  said. 
"No,  there  is  enough  already!" 

THE  MOUNTAIN  LION  HUNT34 
ke'se-Zfcotene  hak'  peta'ka  ka-'mpo  ta'maiyaL 

Fence-making         we,         made         camp.         Then  went, 

me-'cxai        petcamna'xo         hak'          t'oL         at'          ta'mat'uina-'pik 
morning.         Felled  it         we         one         oak.         Then  sawed  it  up. 


Told  by  Pedro  Encinales,  1916.     Cf.  Ethnology,  p.  195. 
Told  by  Pedro  Encinales,  1910. 


1918]  Mason:  The  Language  of  the  Salinan  Indians  95 

ptVkofna-  hak<  baVt'  a'maxt 'e-lix  po-'lpola 

Bored         we         that   oak.         Then  inserted         powder, 

a-'mat'oka'  a'mf  axatcnap  tamataksta-'nte         ta'maco-'me 

then  lighted,         then  split.         Then  made  posts.         Then  shouted. 

ta'mexapik  peta'ko  hak<  k' co-'luk' tene  ta'mat'ek 

Then  dug;         made         we         holes.         Then  inserted 

pesta-'nte  ta'mamat'ux  ta-'maxtelektume  ba.ala-'mbre 

the  posts.         Then  tamped.         Then  fastened  next  the  wire. 

amko'molop'  hak'  tup' ta-'taLxwa-Lnai '  ta-'maiya-L 

Then  quit         we         from  the  our  work.         Then  went 

tumta't'  ka-'mpo  ta'makaxau  ta-'mecxai'  a-'matak 

to  our  camp,         then  slept.         Then  dawned,         then  made 

ta-'lemxat         ta'maLamxaLtume         ko'molop'          hak'          tala'mxaL 
our  food.         Then  ate  next,         finished         we         to  eat. 

a'met'ya        pe'a's        tumak'  t'  u'Lne        ptsVko        tax        pete-'etco 
Then  went         the  son         to  hill,         observed  it         and         the  his  dog 

sai'yu  k'a'se  ko't'konax  i-n  tumake'u  besai'u 

eagle         nesting.         Not   arrived         yet         to  where         the  eagle. 

ta'miyema'  peta-'muL  xo't'up'  ka-s  tupek'ci-'kat'i' 

Than  saw         the  puma.         Passed         only         on  the  slope. 

a'mpama-t'ko  peti-'itco  ampco'la-t'ko  tet'oL  at' 

Then  chased  him         the  his  dog.         Then  treed  him         up  one         oak. 

kyo'xun  pete-'etco  a'mt'yax  pa'a's  ptsVeko 

Barked         the  his  dog.         Then  came         that  son,         sought  him. 

ta^mp' ya-'mo          ta-'muL        ta/mP'  amesak          ta-'me-ya          te-ts'e'k' 
Then  saw  him         puma.         Then  called  me.         Then  went         to  see; 

ke'konax        i-n        ta-'mulox        peta-'muL        k'na-'ye'        axpama-'t'ko 
not  I  arrived         yet.         Then  sprang         the  puma.        Ban.        Then  chased  him 

te-'etco  pama-'t'ko  tumta-'ke  ta-'kata         tampuwe-'nt'  xo 

the  his  dog.         Chased  him         to  within         woods.         Then  returned. 

ta-^mp'cola-'at'koten          me-yo"          baaT          ta-'raamesik          ba'a's 
Then  treed  him  again         same         that  oak.         Then  called  him         the  son. 

ke'ra  ko'xoye'  ampake-'no  hek'  tetipt'e'nlo 

No,         not   answered.         Then   thought         I         that   wounded  already 

tupeta'muL  ta-'met 'iyinek  tameka-'cak'  mek'         ta-'mulo-xten 

by  the  puma.         Then  shot  him.         Then  missed  him.         Then  sprang  again. 

a'met'ya  ki-  a'mt'yak  pexu'tc  pama-'t'ko 

Then  went,         went.         Then  went         the  dog.         Chased  him. 

kok'  te  Vp'  LO  pexo'tc  tax           peta-'muL  ko'met'ik'Lo 

Was  tired  already         the  dog         and         the  puma.         Not  ran  already. 

tax         pexo'tc         peta-'muL         p'k'e'pot'a'u  t'yax         pexo'tc 

And         the   dog         the  puma         followed  him.         Went         the  dog. 


96  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 

peta-'muL        ta-vmpcola-'t'  koten        me-yo"        bea't'         bekeyuco'tcoL 
The  puma          then  treed  again          same          the  oak          the  where  climbed. 

ta-'mamesikten         ba'a's         ta-'mxo-yi'         ta'mtuxweN         ta-'menek' 
Then  called  him  again         the  son.         Then  replied,        then  came.        Then  said, 

met'eyine'k  ta'mt'ye'  ke'ra'  skl'tana  naha'k' 

"Shoot  him!"         Then  went.         No,         small         this  rifle. 

ko't' uxapta'         bata-'muL        met  'eyine-'k'          mo'         ta-'met 'eyinek 
Not   dead         that   puma.         "Shoot   him,         thou!"         Then   shot   him, 


ta-'mtoM 
then  fell 

tume' 
then.         Killed 

pa-'mkohak' 
him  we         then. 

tume 
Then  carried 

ta'mama- 

tumta'm 
to  house. 

ta'malau 
Then  removed 

/  j  i 

his  hide.         Then 

ta-'mayopik'              tume 

staked  it         then. 

ta'mamaa 
Then  carried 

;t'umholo'N         p'xanse-' 
to  Jolon,         sold  it         we 

ko           hak' 
the  Redmond. 

bere'dmond. 

We  were  making  fence-posts  and  made  a  camp.  One  morning  we 
went  and  felled  an  oak  tree.  We  sawed  it  into  lengths  and  bored 
holes  in  it.  Then  we  put  powder  in  the  holes  and  set  it  off.  It  split 
and  then  we  made  posts  of  it.  Then  we  dug  holes  in  the  ground  and 
put  the  posts  in.  We  tamped  the  posts  and  fastened  the  wire  on 
them.  Then  we  left  the  work  and  went  to  our  camp  to  sleep. 

The  next  day  we  made  breakfast  and  ate  it.  When  we  had  finished 
my  son  went  up  on  the  hill  with  his  dog  to  see  an  eagle  which  was 
nesting  there.  Before  they  arrived  where  the  eagle  was  they  saw 
the  mountain-lion  passing  by  on  the  slope.  The  dog  chased  him  and 
treed  him  in  an  oak.  The  dog  barked  so  that  my  son  came  after  him. 
Then  he  saw  the  mountain-lion  and  called  to  me.  I  also  went  to  see 
but  before  I  arrived  there  the  lion  jumped  and  ran  with  the  dog  after 
him.  He  chased  him  into  the  woods  and  back  again  and  treed  him 
again  in  the  same  oak.  Then  I  called  to  my  son  but  he  did  not  answer 
and  I  thought  he  had  been  wounded  by  the  lion.  Then  I  shot  but 
missed  him  and  he  sprang  again  and  again  the  dog  chased  him.  The 
dog  was  tired  but  still  followed  the  lion  and  treed  him  again  in  the 
same  oak  he  had  climbed  before.  Then  I  called  to  my  son  again  and 
he  answered  and  came.  "Shoot  him!"  he  cried  and  I  did  so,  but  my 
rifle  was  very  small  and  I  did  not  kill  him.  "You  shoot  him!"  I 
cried  and  the  boy  shot  him.  Then  he  fell ;  we  killed  him.  We  carried 
him  to  the  house  and  skinned  him.  We  staked  the  hide  and  dried  it 
and  then  we  carried  it  to  Jolon  and  sold  it  to  Mr.  Redmond. 


1918]  Mason:  The  Language  of  the  Salinan  Indians  97 

A  FOEEST  FIEE  35 

septie'mbre          ta-'mticko'  ta'a'u'  ketca/  ko-'mai'ye 

September,         then  was         fire         great.         Began 

rumceme-'ni '  ta'mt'konax  peta'taa-'wo  p'neti'lt'ek 

in  Eeliz  Canon.  Then  came  the  our  boss.  Brought  us, 

he'nrl         dan         ba.a's         tax         bet'o's         ta'maiya-L         kLa'pai 
Henry       Dunn,       that  son       and       the  younger  brother.       Then  went       three 

tenuwa-na"         ta-'makonnox         tumtika-'ko         bela'k'         ta'ts'e'k' 
of  morning.         Then  arrived         to  its  summit         the  ground         to  see 

peta'a'u'           ke'ra          ka-'kaxau  ta-'kalamhaL           ta  ke'ra 

the  fire.         No,         not  slept         and  not  ate         and  no 

ta-'k'es          k'ecxai'yaL          hak'          gas          tupeco-'k'a          ku-'wate 
blankets.         Dawned         we         only         in  the  gully.         Bad! 

tax          kesimo'n          ka'stro          lu'is          sko'sya          tax          pe'a's 
And  the  Simon  Castro,  Luis  Seocia  and  the  son 

k'Lo'xLanorce'          hak'           ka'mxot'e          raxo't'Lop'  tup'tateY 

burnt  almost.         We         not  able         to  pass         by  the  smoke. 

ta'mackoL'  k'e-'Lp'a  hak'  ka-'ke-nilu '  ralo'xLa 

Then  were,         halted         we.         Thought  already         that  burn. 

ke'ra  ka-'mxote  taxo't'Lop'  k'Lu'walu  snWkai 

No,         not  able         to  pass.         Long  already         night. 

ta'mxot'up'  peta'a'u'  ke'ra  ka'lamhaL  ta'maiyaM 

Then  passed         the  fire.         No,         not  ate.         Then  saw 

cwa"N          ski'ntai'  ta'macaxt 'e- 'lik'  yolo'  ta'lamxat'be 

fishes         small.         Then  ate  them,         it  already         our  food  the 

ta-me'ta         met'o'L         to-'kena 'ten '         me'smakai'         ta'm'alamhaL 
until         on   one         day   again.         When   night         then   ate; 

ko'nlox         hak'          tumt&'tfkampo         ko'neL         hak         tup' ta'a'u' 
arrived  we  to  our  camp.  Escaped  we  from  the  fire. 

ts'ep         tat'ca-'kai         adio's         ta'a'u' 
Good         our  sleep.         Good-bye,         fire! 

In  September  there  was  a  great  forest  fire  which  began  in  Reliz 
Canon.  Our  boss,  Henry  Dunn,  came  and  got  me,  my  son  and  my 
younger  brother.  We  went  at  three  o'clock  in  the  morning  and 
arrived  at  the  ridge  and  saw  the  fire.  We  did  not  sleep  and  had 
nothing  to  eat  and  no  blankets.  When  it  dawned  we  were  alone  in 
the  gully;  it  was  very  bad.  Simon  Castro,  Luis  Seocia  and  my  son 
were  almost  burnt  to  death  for  we  were  unable  to  pass  through,  the 


35  Told  by  Pedro  Encinales,  1910;  University  of  California  Museum  of  Anthro- 
pology, phonograph  record,  14-1583. 


98  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 

smoke.  We  were  halted  and  thought  that  we  would  be  burnt  for  we 
were  unable  to  pass.  After  a  long  night  the  fire  passed  by.  We  had 
nothing  to  eat  but  at  last  saw  some  little  fishes  and  ate  them.  That 
was  all  we  had  until  the  next  day.  At  night  we  ate  and  returned 
to  our  homes,  having  escaped  from  the  fire.  And  we  had  a  good 
sleep.  Good  bye,  fire ! 

A  TEIP  TO  SAN  FEANCISCO  se 

leya'x  tumte-'ma  ko-'maiyu  hek'  tumxolo'n 

When   came         to  my  house         left         I         from   Jolon. 

ta-'maiyan  peta-'meko  aketa-'sona  me'san  ta-'maiyam 
Then  saw  the  my  friend.  What  his  name  this?  Mason.  Then  saw 

me'san  petcau'waiik  me'konax  k'o'nxa-16  ta'mp'  yemet  'ik 
Mason.  Was  met.  When  arrived  late  already.  Then  saw  me, 

ma-'t'ik  tumte-'mo  ko'nlox  hak'  tumta-'M  p' ma-'t'ik 
took  me  to  his  house.  Arrived  we  to  house.  Took  me 

maswida'  tats'ek  pets'enli'  p'ya'mhek'  xai'ya' 

to  city        to  see         the  amusements;         saw  I         many 

t'a'uwut'  p'ma-H'e'k  ta-'mekonax  make'u  ts'enll' 

people.         Took  me.         Then  arrived        to  where         amusements 

ketca"ten  le-ta'no  sma'kai  ta'maiya-L  tup'ta-'m 

great.         Half        night         then  came         to  the  house. 

tame-'cxai'          ta'metaLxwaLtenax         t'oL          to-'kena'          snia'kai 

Then  morning         then  worked         one  day.         Night 

ta'tsaiyaL  umswida'  maa'tak  heyo"  ta'ts'aiyaL 

to  go         to  city.         Took  me         he.         Went 

me-'cxai'  tumta-'m  k' ta'lxualtenax  hak'  t'ol 

at  morning         to   house,         worked         we         one 

to-'kena  me'sniakai  ta'tsaiyaL  tats'e'k  ts'enll' 

day.         At  night         to  go         to  see         amusements. 

me'cxai'     ta'tsak'e-lp'a     tamk'mai'ya     hek'      tumt'o'Lten     pwe'blo 

In   morning         returned.         Then   went         I         to   one   again         town, 

o'kland  ko'kcu  a'maiya-L  tumpa'  ta'tsak 'e-'lpa 

Oakland,         two         then   went         there.         Then   returned 

me'sniakai  tumta-'m  kl'yaLhak'  me'sniakai  tats'e-'k 

at  night         to  house.         Went  we         at  night         to  see 

pets'enli          krsaliriya'M          stiyo'wanlax 
the  amusements.  All  to  see          beautiful! 

When  your  messenger  came  to  my  house  I  started  from  Jolon.    On 
arriving  in  San  Francisco  I  met  my  friend — what's  his  name? — 

36  Told  by  Pedro  Encinales,  1910 ;  University  of  California  Museum  of  Anthro- 
pology, phonograph  record,  14-1582. 


1918]  Mason:  The  Language  of  the  Salman  Indians  99 

Mason ;  I  met  Mason.  He  met  me.  It  was  already  late  when  I  arrived. 
Then  he  took  me  to  his  house ;  we  arrived  there.  Then  he  took  me  to 
the  city  to. see  the  amusements ;  I  saw  many  people.  We  came  to  where 
there  were  great  amusements.  At  midnight  we  returned  to  the  house. 
In  the  morning  we  worked  all  day  and  at  night  he  took  me  to  the  city 
again.  In  the  morning  we  went  again  to  the  house  and  worked  all 
day.  At  night  we  went  to  see  the  amusements  again  and  returned  in 
the  morning.  The  next  day  we  two  went  to  another  town,  Oakland  and 
at  night  returned  to  the  house.  That  night  we  went  again  to  see  the 
amusements  and  saw  them  all;  they  were  beautiful. 

IOY  AND  BLUEJAY37 

yoi        tax        pa-t'o-'so        skl-'tana          pewi-tcele"         kmai'yaL 
loy         and        that  her  younger  brother         small        the  bluejay        lived 

tumpa'  t'oL  smak'ai  kiya'xteL  pekci'tLip' 

there.         One         night         came         the  dead. 

k'o-'mat'iirik  t'oL  se-'wo-t  yoi  pelits'e'  k  'o-'matiliik' 
Was  bought  one  their  wife.  loy  the  woman  purchased 

t'eheyo't'  pexe'nes  ket'xai'ya'  tupekce'tLep'  cko" 

by  them.         The  beads         possessed         by  the  dead         were 

tenotili"  t'eheyo"  kLu'waw8  le-1  nasma'kai  tumpa' 
to  give  for  her.  Married  already  this  night  there.. 

ta-'mto'okenatume'  ta'mt'ya  heyo"  pewi-tcile"  cko- 

Then  day  next  then  went  she.  The  bluejay  was 

tumpa'  me't'oL  lice"  ta'mt'e  ki-he'k'  tiitc'a-'u 

there         for  one         year.         Then  said,         "  Go  I         to  seek 

pepe-'  ketca/  pale'lko  t'oLt'ya'  tupetikaT  et  pa-'lxo 
the  elder  sister  large."  Asked  one  every  of  the  trees.  Wished 

t°p'ye'mo  akeH'eke'o  heyo"  peka'xap  ki- 

to  know,         "What  his  place         he        the  dead?"         Went 

tupi-'kilentxo  pale'lko  t'oLt  'ya'  tupekca'xtene  ke'ta' 
to  return.  Asked  him  one  every  of  the  birds.  No, 

ko-'set'aiik  heyo"  pale'lko  t'uxwe'nto  t'oL  tcxa" 
not  answered.  He  asked  finally  one  rock. 

heyo"  pse-'ko  heyo"  ma-'hak'  peti'cxa'  ta'maaf 
He  told  him  he,  ' '  Give  me  the  money,  then  carry 

mo'  tumpa"  pxai'iko  ta'maaf  tumpa"  maatela'uo 
thee  there!"  Paid  him,  then  carried  there,  carried  him 

pekei'tLlip'  petcxa"  tax  pewi-tcile"  kya'xteL  tet'oL 
the  dead.  The  rock  and  the  bluejay  came  to  one 


37  Translated  by  Pedro  Encinales,  1910.  Cf .  Boas,  Chinook  Texts,  p.  161 ; 
Kroeber,  The  Yokuts  Language,  present  series,  n,  275;  The  Washo  Language, 
iv,  303. 


100  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 

temai-'ic  ke'ta'  tateT  tspetama-'niL  a'mt'ya-'L 

village.         No         smoke         from  the  houses.         Then  went 

petixapi'cxo           ta'm          peketca-'le-'lo          ta-'m          a-m          heyo" 
the  last         house         the  large  already        house.         Then         he 

p'ya-'ma          tate't          tumpa'          a-m          heyo"          ki-          t'uma' 
saw         smoke         there.         Then         he         went         there. 

ta^mp'ya-'mo          peape'u          ketca-'          a:          pet'o's          skl-'tana 
Then  saw  her     the  his  elder  sister     large.     "Ah!      the  younger  brother      little!" 

heyo"         pse-'eko  heyo"         akeme-'naxta       umka'xap'          mo' 

She         told  him         he,         "Whence  thou  comest  now?         Art  dead         thou?" 

heyo"  ksa  ke'ra'  ka'xap'  petcxa"  maat'ak 

He         said,         "No,         not   dead.         The  rock         carried  me 

tuwi'          •xtiteV'ma          ta-^mpo'maiyeu          tope'lextLo          t'oLt'ya' 
here         on  back!"         Then  began         to  open         one  every 

tupet'ama-'niL        t'oLt'y*/        tupeta-'m        kap' xe'na-teL        axa-kten' 
of  the  houses.         One  every         of  the  house         was  full         bones! 

t'oL          ta-"ko          ka'xap'  t'oLke'u  tupeape'u  ketcg/ 

One         head         dead        near  place         of  the  his  elder  sister         large. 

heyo"  pse-'ko  heyo"  tast'ma'lox  tum.e'tak' 

He        told         her,         "What  thy  desire         to  do 

naaxa-'ten         tena         t  'axa'ko 
these  bones         of  these         heads?" 


Toy  and  her  younger  brother  Blue  jay  lived  together.  One  night 
the  ghosts  came  to  buy  a  wife  and  Toy  was  the  woman  they  purchased. 
They  gave  their  beads  for  her.  That  night  she  was  married  there  and 
the  next  day  they  took  her  away  with  them.  Blue  jay  lived  alone  for 
a  year  and  then  he  got  lonely  and  said,  "I  will  go  and  seek  my  elder 
sister."  So  he  inquired  of  every  one  of  the  trees,  wanting  to  know, 
"Where  do  people  go  when  they  die?"  But  they  could  not  tell  him. 
So  he  returned  and  asked  every  one  of  the  birds.  But  they  could  not 
inform  him  either.  At  last  he  asked  a  rock  which  said  to  him,  ' '  Give 
me  your  money  and  I  will  carry  you  there."  So  Blue  jay  paid  him 
all  his  money  and  the  rock  carried  him  to  the  country  of  the  dead. 
The  rock  and  Bluejay  came  to  a  village.  But  there  was  no  smoke 
coming  out  of  the  houses.  They  went  to  the  large  house  at  the  end  of 
the  village  and  there  he  saw  smoke.  So  he  went  in  and  there  was  his 
elder  sister.  "Ah!"  she  said.  "It  is  my  little  brother!  How  did 
you  get  here?  Are  you  dead?"  "No,"  he  replied.  "I  am  not  dead. 
This  rock  carried  me  here  on  his  back. ' '  Then  he  began  to  open  every 


1918]  Mason:  The  Language  of  the  Salman  Indians  101 

one  of  the  houses.  And  every  one  was  full  of  bones !  One  skull  was 
very  close  to  his  elder  sister.  So  he  said  to  her,  "What  do  you  want 
me  to  do  with  these  bones  and  skulls?" 

THE  ELK  38 

k'Lu-'walu          k'o-'lap          xwan          ane'w8          tax          pemarm 
Long  ago  very  Juan  his  grandmother  and  the  Maria. 

p'se-'ko  ki'ya-te'  tetye'  teta'mt'e  ta.a'c  ki-'sile 

Told  him         always         to  go         to  hunt         the  elk.         Every 

too'kana'  kl  tupa'mkneLko  acte'n  pt'i'kaxo  ki'ya-te' 
day  went  to  kill  them  elk.  Killed  them  always 

Lk'a'neL  pt'e'kaxo  ki'ya-te'  cumk'o'm'  t'a-CNe'L 

coyotes;         killed  them         always         squirrels.         Some 

me  pt'e'kaxo  sk'almo'k'  pa-'mko  tet'ya"  tetamte 
times  killed  mice!  Could  to  go  to  hunt 

ki-'ya-te'  ki-ten  met'oLten  ta'mticko'  tupela'k'  heyo" 
always.  Went  again  on  one  again.  Then  was  on  the  land.  He 

kVmes  yax  tika'mpo  acne'L  k'a-'ltena'  hak' 

cried,         "Come         to   field,         Elk!         Fight         we, 

k'pa'La  hak'  peta-'take  kiya'x  •  tumtce'N  cko'  t'oL 
dance  we!"  The  something  came  to  outside.  Was  one 

map'         naluwa'         yo'         pse-'ko         pemap'         heyo"        ke'ta' 

rabbit!          This  man         he         told         the  rabbit         he,         "No! 

k'e'etak'a  pet'mi'ck'oLet  ki-c  kutca'i,  pet'aa'ko 

Not  I  called  thee!         The  thy  ears         resemble         spoons,         the  its  handle 

k'wa-'keLta  pema'p'  xa-'ta  a-'mt'ya  tump'a-'wu 

long! ' '         The  rabbit         wept.         Then  went         to  other  side 

ta-'kata  xa-'ta  pema'p'  ta'mamesten  kiyaxte'L 

woods.         Wept         the  rabbit.         Then  cried  again,         "Come 

tuwitcen         tup&ka-'mpo         o  acte'n 

to  here  outside,         to  that  field,         O         Elk!" 

Long,  long  ago  Juan  lived  with  his  grandmother  Maria.  She  always 
told  him  to  go  and  hunt  elk.  Every  day  he  went  out  to  kill  elk,  but  he 
always  killed  only  coyotes  and  squirrels.  Sometimes  he  killed  mice. 
But  nevertheless  he  always  went  out  to  hunt.  One  day  he  went  again 
to  the  hunting  country  and  cried,  "Come  on  out  into  the  open,  Elk! 
We  will  fight  and  dance  ! ' '  Then  something  came  out  of  the  woods ; 
it  was  a  rabbit !  Then  the  man  said  to  the  rabbit,  ' '  I  didn  't  call  you ! 
Your  ears  are  like  spoons  with  long  handles ! ' '  Then  the  rabbit  wept 


38  Translated  by  Pedro  Encinales,  1910. 


102  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 

and  went  into  the  woods  again.    But  Juan  remained  and  cried  again, 
' '  Come  on  out  into  the  open,  0  Elk ! ' ' 

^ 

THE  FIGHT  39 

t'oL          k'weL          t'i-y8'          teVmt'e          tetaa"          amp'ya-'m 
One         time         went         to  hunt         of  deer.         Then  saw 

hek'         t'ol         t'aa/'         kas         ko'p'  yemeT  ak         pa-ke'n         hek' 
I        one         deer.         Only         not  saw  me.         Think         I 

tuko'p'  me-sowaiik       me'nak'o       petsa-kai"       sexo-mo"      pet'eyine'k 
that  not  was  smelled        because        the  wind         was  bad.         Shot  him 

hek'         taa/'         t'uP'xa'k'        pet'eyine'k          hek'          umtexiwai'yo 
I         deer         with  the  bow.         Shot  him         I        in  his  heart. 

amki-'  hek'  tuma'  ta-'mo-maiyi'  to'o't'iitina-pik 

Then  went         I         there.         Then  began         to  cut  him  up. 

pesno'xo          hek'          ksa-'teL          tuma'          t'ick'ema'L        peksa-'teL 
Heard         I         speaking         there.         Tulareiios  the  speakers. 

kya'maNeLak'          heyo-'t'          a'memet'ik'          tumak'e-'nax         t'upe 
Not  saw  me         they.         Then  ran         to  where  came         to  the 

a'teloi         ka'ctakonax         make'u         pa'a'teloi         ampse-'ko         hek^ 
friend.         When  arrived         to  him         that  friend         then  told  him         I 

heyo"  a'teloi  pa-ke'n  hek'  tet'i  fi'ck'e-maL 

him,         "Friend,         think         I         to  be  Tularenos 

pekya'xt'eL  t'iha'k'  pt'a'kixo  hak'  heyo-T         tarn 

the  comers         to  us!         Kill  them         we         them!"         Then 

pa'a'teloi  pse-'hak  heyo"  '§n  pt'a-'kixo  hak' 

that  friend         told  me         he,         "Yes!         Kill  them         we! 

k'tce'henmilak       hak'          heyo-'t'          se         xai'ya         t'an         hak' 
Are  brave  we!  They  are  many  and  we 

se        ko'kcu         kas        kasko'f  amai'  ta-pt'a'k'taiax       kaske'ra' 

are         two         only.         But  not  able         to  kill  us!         Only  no, 

ko'tce-henmilak  pa-ke'nohe'k'  t'eheyo'f  ksa'ktox 

not  are  brave!         Think  I         that  they         afraid 

ma'yomalt'ai'ik'         pe.a'teloi         pse-'hak         heyo"         ta-m         hak' 
when  are  seen! "         The  friend         told  me         he.         Then         we 

ka'cil         t'oo'ke         k'a-'t'         ta-m         petxa'u         hek'          petice'ko 
seated         into        brush.         Then         had        I         the  his  knife 

pa'a'teloi         ma-'kit'  ohek'         ta-cNe'L         t'  upete't  'eyitinai '         t'oL 

that  friend,         gave  him  I  some         of  the  arrows.         One 

t'ick'e'M          kya'x          t'umt'ewa-'ko          pek'a-'  a'mpet'eyineko 

Tulareno  came  to  beside  the  us.  Then  shot  him 


39  Translated  by  Pedro  Eneinales,  1910 ;  Cf .  Kroeber,  The  Washo  Language, 
present  series,  iv,  302. 


1918]  Mason:  The  Language  of  the  Salinan  Indians  103 

hak'         heyo"  ta'met 'eyinek  coke'nto  t' ampa 'a'teloi 

we         him.         Then  shot  him        his  eye.         Then  that  friend 

pet  'eyine-'ko       pet'i'peno       t'  a^mkitcamnox       ka'xap'      a-'memet 'ik< 
shot  him         the  his  belly.         Then  fell         dead.         Then  ran 

umke'o         heyo"         polt'e-'ko         hek'          tup't'i'cik         pet'a-'ko 
to  where         he.         Cut  it         I         with  the  knife         the  his  head. 

ta'mtyaxte^L      pet'i'ckemarL       t'oma       t' a-xmomai'ye '       tak  Vltena ' 
Then  came         the  Tularefios         there.         Then  began         to  fight! 

pet  'eyitinek'  hak'  a'met 'eyinek'  t'oL  t'eheyo't' 

Shot  them         we.         Then  shot         one         of  them. 

ta^mame'sik         heyo-'t'          yaxte'L     .    ke'ra'         ka-'suxtax         mom 
Then  cried         them,         "Come!         No,         not  afraid        you! 

nao-m         k'o'k'a-mko         tuko't  'eyine-t'  ax         t'upe         t'ko'tMyinai 
You        not  able         to  shoot  us         with  the         your  arrows! 

pet'eyine-'t'kam  hak'  ka'xatep  mo-'mta'  pse-'t'ko 

Shoot  you         we!         Dead         you  soon!"         Told  them 

hek'  tel.i-'n  k'tsVktox  tupesk'a-'mo  k' ts  Vktoxak' 

I         while  yet         were  afraid         to  the  near.        Feared  me 

pa-'mko  keti'  hak'  ko'kculo  teheyo-'t'  t'oL 

killed         because         we         two  already         of  them.         One 

t'eheyo-'f  pet 'eyine-'ko  ksa'  pe'a'teloi  k'ma'Ltox 

of  them         shot  him         very         the  friend.         Jumped 

hak'  kVk'ot'na-'pelt'e          hak'  ta'mt'yax          petet 'o-'iyiN 

we,         dodged         we.         Then   came        the   arrows 

t'et'ewai'yu          ki-'sile          pa'a'teloi          pt'e'kaxo          hak'          t'oL 
to  his  side  all  that  friend.  Killed  we  one 

ticke-'m  t'ya'  t'iha'k  ta'mamet'Lik  mask'a-'mkeu 

Tularefio         each         of  us.         Then  ran         to  near  him. 

ta-'m.met' Lik  tumatce'N           k'e-'po-t'ilau  hak'  heyo-'t' 

Then  ran         to  distance.         Followed  them         we         them. 

ko'xom'tela'       kasp'a'mko       hak'        k'i'ca'       t'eheyo-T        xai'ya' 
Escaped  they        but  killed         we        four         of  them.         Many 

heyo-'t'          pake-'no         hek'          tet'o'e          t^-ma"          ta'mauLt'ek' 
they.         Think  I        that  ten         men.         Then  cut 

kl-'sile'        petaxa'ko        peki'ca'        tama/n'        ka'xatep'        pa'a'teloi 
all         the  their  heads        the  four         men         dead.         That  friend 

k'e'nai'  me-'no  ta-'m'oma-iyi'  tai'ya'L  tumta-'m 

wounded        his  hand.         Then  began         to  go        to  house. 

ta-'maiya-L          t' umat' a-'t' e-ma        t'a'pa'tna 
Then  came         to  our  houses,         and  danced. 


104  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 

Once  I  went  out  to  hunt  deer.  I  saw  one  and  he  didn't  see  me.  I 
think  he  didn't  smell  me  because  the  wind  was  blowing  the  other  way. 
So  I  shot  him  with  my  bow  and  arrow.  I  got  him  in  the  heart.  Then  I 
went  up  to  him  and  began  to  cut  him  up.  But  while  I  was  busy  there 
I  heard  somebody  speak.  It  was  a  party  of  Tulareilos  who  were  speak- 
ing. But  they  didn't  see  me.  So  I  ran  back  to  where  I  had  left  my 
friend  and  said  to  him,  ' '  Friend,  I  think  that  there  are  some  Tulareiios 
coming  up  to  us.  Let 's  kill  them ! ' '  And  my  friend  replied,  ' '  Yes,  we 
can  kill  them  all  right !  We  are  brave  men.  They  are  many  and  we 
are  only  two  but  just  the  same  they  won't  be  able  to  kill  us!  They 
aren't  brave;  I  think  they'll  be  afraid  when  they  see  us."  That's 
what  my  friend  said  to  me. 

So  we  went  into  the  brush.  I  took  my  friend 's  knife  and  I  gave  him 
some  of  my  arrows.  Then  one  of  the  Tulareiios  came  near  us  and  we 
shot  him.  I  shot  him  in  the  eye  and  my  friend  hit  him  in  the  belly. 
He  fell  dead  and  I  ran  up  to  him  and  cut  his  head  off  with  my  knife. 
Then  the  other  Tularenos  came  up  and  we  began  to  fight.  We  shot  at 
them  and  hit  one  of  them.  Then  I  yelled  out,  "Come  on !  We  aren't 
afraid  of  you ;  you  can't  shoot  us  with  your  arrows !  We'll  shoot  you ; 
you'll  all  be  dead  pretty  soon."  That  was  what  I  said  to  them  while 
they  were  afraid  to  come  close.  They  were  afraid  because  we  had 
killed  two  of  them  already.  One  of  them  kept  shooting  at  my  friend. 
But  we  jumped  and  dodged  and  all  the  arrows  passed  by  on  the  side. 
Then  each  of  us  killed  another  Tulareiio  and  ran  up  to  them.  Then 
they  fled  to  a  distance  and  we  followed  them.  The  rest  of  them 
escaped  but  we  killed  four  of  them.  They  were  very  many;  I  think 
there  were  ten  men. 

Then  we  cut  off  the  heads  of  the  four  slain  men  and  then  started 
out  for  our  house.  My  friend  was  wounded  in  the  hand.  And  when 
we  came  to  the  house  we  had  a  great  celebration  and  dance. 


DIALECT  OF  SAN  MIGUEL 
THE  BEGINNING  OF  THE  WOELD  *o 

letetaha'pu  wela-'k'  t'  a'miyax-olap  V  ta'mico-L 

When  made  was         the  earth         then  came  the  sea.         Then  rose 

tot'op'o'iya         xolap'e"         ke'kaxosna'it'  o '         t'up'o'iya       ketc'a" 

to  the  mountain         the  sea.         Was  the  eagle  then         mountain         great. 


40  Told  by  Maria  Ocarpia,  1916.    Said  to  be  version  of  San  Antonio.    Of.  Ethn- 
ology, 190;  present  paper,  pp.  81,  83. 


1918]  Mason :  The  Language  of  the  Salinan  Indians  105 

ta'meyexotc'  ene"           ta'meyaxhot' a 'muL  ta'met'e't  hosna'f 

Then  came  the  old  woman.         Then  came  the  puma;         then  said          the  eagle, 

umta-'net'  Me'cax  patalok'e'  hopVta'L  tamet'e't 

"Wilt  thou  give  thy  whiskers?         Lassoo  it  I         the  basket."         Then  said 

tot'a-xwe'n'  xosna'i  ne"cxo'  ta'mepetak  tuhela'k' 

to  the  dove         the  eagle,         "Fetch  earth!"         Then  made         of  the  earth 

hosna'i  ta'mepetakto  lene"  toteta'p'koL  la'pai 

the  eagle.         Then  made  did         woman         of  elder,         three 

a'metetaxap  ho'lene"  a'mepuxumk'  uwa'p'  ta'mete't 

then  made         the  woman.         Then  entered  in  sweat  house.         Then  said 

hockVn'         ni"hoti'tc'e-lak         yikV         we'amas         ki-'         ma'a'u 
the  hawk,        "Fetch  the  barsalillo!        Go!"        The  coyote        went      bring 

hotc'e-'lak  kera"  ku-"  whuwu 'titc 'e-lak  ta'mekik'  et'  u ' 

the  barsalillo.         "No!         Not  is  my  barsalillo!"         Then  went  did, 

keno-'lk'  e'to '        tamepeta'ko         lama-'ta        komoleple"       hot'epo-'t' 
sweated   did.  Then   made  bower,  finished  the  people 

totenake't'  o '         ta'metetai          p  'e'nap  'e ' 
made  did.         Then  made         fiesta. 

The  old  Woman  of  the  Sea  was  jealous  of  Eagle  and  wished  to  be 
more  powerful  than  he.  So  she  came  towards  him  with  her  basket  in 
which  she  carried  the  sea.  Continually  she  poured  the  water  out  of 
the  basket  until  it  covered  all  the  land.  It  rose  nearly  to  the  top  of 
Santa  Lucia  Peak  where  were  gathered  Eagle  and  the  other  animals. 
Then  Eagle  said  to  Puma,  "Lend  me  your  whiskers  to  lassoo  the 
basket."  He  made  a  lariat  out  of  the  whiskers  of  Puma  and  lassoed 
the  basket.  Then  the  sea  ceased  rising  and  the  old  woman  died. 

Then  said  Eagle  to  Dove,  "Fetch  some  earth!"  Then  Eagle  made 
the  world  of  the  mud  brought  by  the  dove.  Then  he  took  three  sticks 
of  elder  and  formed  from  these  a  woman  and  two  men.  But  still  they 
had  no  life.  They  all  entered  the  sweat-house.  Then  said  Prairie- 
Falcon,  "Fetch  my  barsalillo!  Coyote  went  to  bring  it  but  brought  a 
load  of  different  wood.  "  No ! "  said  Prairie-Falcon.  ' '  That  is  not  my 
barsalillo/'  and  Coyote  had  to  go  again.  Then  they  all  sweated.  After 
sweating  the  eagle  blew  on  the  elder-wood  people  and  they  lived.  Then 
they  made  a  bower  of  branches  and  held  a  great  fiesta. 

THE  THEFT  OF  FIEE  4i 

sa'nenexoc-kYn        ho'toxwa't'o'        hockVn        wa'lual'      t'a'so' 
Married  the  hawk,       the  mother-in-law  his       the  hawk       bullbat,       her  name. 

tc'ine"  p'a'lxo'  tepokot  'hoto '  hot'e-le'm'  ta'miye 

Old  woman         wished         to  kill  him  did         the  son-in-law.         Then  went 


4i  Told  by  Maria  Ocarpia,  1916.     Cf.  p.  82. 


106  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 

hockVn  peta"ko'  hot'iope"  he'kV  totoxwa-'to' 

the  hawk         made  her         the  grubs.         Said         to  his  mother-in-law. 

ta'miye  hockVn  hosene/u'  ki-'  ne'ij'  ho.e'xo' 

Then  went         the  hawk         the  his  wife,         "Go         bring         the  her  mother. " 

kit'o'        p'i'cxo't        tiope"        ta'melicxai        ta'miyex        hotc'ene" 
Went  did,         ate  they         grubs.         Then  rained,         then  came         the  old  woman 

ta'xo  p'aso  umte-mo"  ta'metekamkua'pi  hosna'i' 

and  the         her  child         to  her  house.         Then  were  in  sweat-house         the  eagle 

ta'xohelk  'a'  tamecmak'  ai't'  o '  umkwa'p'1  li'cxaifo' 

and  the  coyote.         Then  darkened  did         in  sweat -house.         Eained  did 

kite' a/'  ta'mexwent' o '  tc'ine"  ake'laxa  mak'e'weL 

great.         Then  came  did         old  woman.         "Where  door?"         "To  north." 

ake'laxa  map'xa'nol  laxa'M  ta'met'e't  hotc'ene" 

"Where  door?"         "To  south         door."         Then  said         the  old  woman, 

hi'k'a'no"  klk'e"  neu'ke'  lap'e"  tamet' ikat' o ' 

"Swear  now,         go  I,         bring  I  sea!"         Then  was  then 

le'cxai          ke'rako'p'  ecxai  ta'metetaka  wetelo"  yikV 

rain;         no,  not  dawned.         Then  told         martin,         "Go 

rnnle'm  o't'ika  hotc'anone"  me-'n'  ta'menact'o' 

aloft         if  is         the  light."         Went,         then  returned  did, 

ta'metet        ha-'         keka'         tc'anone'         no"        he'ka'         hosnaT 
then  said,         "Yes,         is         light."         "Good!"         said         the  eagle. 

yike'wesna'k  ni'  t'a'a'u'  wesnak  ta'metiko'nox 

"Go  the  kangaroo-rat,        bring        fire        the  kangaroo-rat."        Then  arrived 

hosna"k  cme-"L  tot'a'a'u'  ta'mecap  hot'uma'u' 

the  kangaroo-rat,        beaten         of  the  fire.         Then  extinguished        the  cargo. 

ta'mexwenosna''kto'          ta'metet          yikVto'          xo-"mi          kl-'to' 
Then  arrived  the  kangaroo-rat  did.     Then  told,     ' '  Go     roadrunner !  ' '  Went  did 

OXO"MI  pa-'xo  ta'a'u'  t'ucma-'i'  a'mexwento' 

the  roadrunner.  Put  it  fire  in  cheeks.  Then  arrived  did, 

ta'meteta'k  kera"  ko'xwen  k'u'tex  tulama'uw 

then   said,         "No,         not   arrived."         Eemained         with   food. 

ta'metetak  howe-telo"  yiki'umle-'m  ta'met' okono'xo- 

Then  told  the  martin,  ' '  Go  aloft ! ' '  Then  arrived 

hosa-'xe          ki          ne'ij'  ta'a'u'  t'a'miyex  hotc'anone" 

the  bird,         went         brought         fire.         Then   came         the  light. 

hosa-'xe          ma 'aumt' ee'lko '  ta'a'u'  p'ecxa'ito'  xa'ta 

The  bird         carried  _in  his  beak         fire.         Dawned  did;         wept 

hot'a'muL          ta'mete  V  osnaT          mi'yo'k          fumxa-'ta          yi'ke" 
the  puma.         Then  said  the  eagle,         "Why        thy  weeping?         Go 

tc'a'u  taa'V  akiti"  p'oxe'm'  omtipo-'t 'tecko" 

hunt  deer!"  "How  make  sinew?"  "Thou  not  human  art! 


1918]  Mason:  The  Language  of  the  Salman  Indians  107 

ma-mo'c         hot'me'ma't         tamexa-'ta        hoto-xo"tu'         komxa-'ta 
Preserve         the  thy  meat."         Then  wept         the  wolf  did.         "Don't  weep! 

yike'       tc'a'u-'  humui"  aketi'  puxe'm'  omtipo't' 

Go         hunt         the  antelope !"         "How  make         sinew?"         "  Thou  not  human 

ti'cko  mi'cax  timi't'ik  mixa-'tato'  xo-peNe'L 

art!         Eat         running!"         And  wept  did         the  vulture. 

tc  Vuhopa'mat  aketihopoxe'm '  mi'caxka  ta'meteto 

' '  Seek  the  carrion !  "      "  How  make  the  sinew  ?  "      "  Eat  only ! ' '       Them  told  did 

'elk 'a  yike"  aketihopoxe'm'  mepe'noxka 

coyote,         "Go!"         "How  make  the  sinew?"         "Gulp  only!" 

Long  ago  when  all  the  animals  were  people  Prairie-Falcon  was 
married  and  his  mother-in-law  was  Bullbat.  She  wished  to  kill  her 
son-in-law.  Prairie-Falcon  went  out  to  make  her  some  grubs  to  eat, 
as  the  animals  in  this  time  could  make  whatever  they  wanted.  Then 
he  said  to  his  wife,  "The  grubs  are  ready;  bring  your  mother."  So 
they  went  and  ate  grubs.  Then  it  began  to  rain  and  the  old  woman 
and  her  daughter  returned  to  the  house. 

Eagle  and  Coyote  were  in  the  sweat-house  when  it  became  dark 
and  rained  hard;  the  old  woman  couldn't  find  the  door  in  the  dark- 
ness.413 ' '  Where  is  the  door  f "  she  asked.  ' '  To  the  north ! ' '  But  she 
could  not  find  it.  ''Where  is  the  door?"  she  demanded  again.  "To 
the  south!"  Then  the  old  woman  became  furiously  angry  and  said, 
' '  I  swear  I  will  go  and  bring  the  sea ! ' '  And  she  went  away. 

Many  days  passed  and  it  did  not  dawn  but  rained  continually. 
Then  said  Eagle  to  Martin,  "Fly  up  to  see  if  there  is  any  light." 
Martin  flew  high  in  the  sky  and  finally  returned  and  said,  "Yes,  there 
is  light."  "Good!"  said  Eagle.  "Go,  Kangaroo-rat  and  bring  it!" 
Kangaroo-rat  went  and  stole  some  fire  from  those  who  were  guarding 
it.  They  fought  with  him  but  he  wrapped  the  fire  around  him  with  a 
white  bandage.  On  this  account  he  still  has  a  white  band  around  his 
body.  But  the  fire  went  out  during  the  long  journey  and  Kangaroo- 
rat  arrived  fruitless.  Then  said  Eagle,  "Go  thou,  Roadrunner!" 
Eoadrunner  went  and  secured  the  fire  and  put  it  in  his  cheeks.  But 
he  liked  it  so  much  he  remained  there  eating  fire.  On  this  account  he 
has  red  cheeks.  Then  they  said,  after  waiting,  "He  did  not  arrive 
there."  So  they  said  to  Martin,  "Go  up  thou!"  Martin  went  and 
brought  fire  in  his  beak.  Then  there  was  light  and  it  dawned. 

Then  Puma  wept  because  he  was  hungry  and  cold;  he  was  the 
king  of  the  animals.  But  Eagle  said,  "Why  dost  thou  weep?  Go 

4ia  Of.  E.  W.  Gifford,  ' '  Miwok  Myths, ' '  this  series,  XII,  290. 


108  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 

hunt  deer!  Thou  shalt  not  be  human!"  "But  how  shall  I  treat 
them?"  inquired  Puma.  "Guard  everything  thou  catchest!"  And 
Wolf  also  wept.  "Don't  weep!"  said  Eagle.  " Go  hunt  antelopes !" 
"How  shall  I  treat  them?"  "Eat  them  running!  Thou  art  not 
human ! "  And  Vulture  also  wept.  ' '  Seek  carrion ! ' '  commanded 
Eagle.  ' '  How  shall  I  treat  it  ? "  "  Merely  eat  it ! "  And  Coyote  wept 
also.  "  Go ! "  "  How  shall  I  treat  my  food  ? "  "  Just  gulp  it  down ! ' ' 

THE    TAR- WOMAN  " 

t'a'miye  hockVn  ta'l-o'  hola'p'  ya'mo' 

Then  went         the  hawk.         Accompanied         the  raven.         Saw  her 

hotc'a'he'  ta'metet  hockVn  umpet'xa'u  otolole"  ha/ 
the  Chahe.  Then  said  the  hawk,  "Hast  thou  got  the  flute?'  "Yes. 

ta'ltom'          t'mi'txa        taltumt'  ica'xal         te'msaxten         xa'wela'k' 

What  thine,       thy  possession?       What  thy  power?"       "Nephews,       far  the  land; 

ma'xap  umti'tc'o'M  ta'men§utohotolole"  ta'metaxap 

get  up         on  shoulder. ' '         Then  seized  did  the  flute ;         then  got  up 

umtitc'o'm'  ka'xap  ta'metet  way  away  e'  xe'sekola' 

on  shoulder.         Got  up.         Then  said,         "Wayawaye!         Hesekola! 

kewets'its'tena  tewi'le-tek  ta'me.axa-'ta  hot'olole" 

Cries  this         which  kill  I!"         Then  got  up  on  the  flute; 

ta'metom'  hola-'p'i  ta'mecauwat  ta'meneuto-ck 'an 

then  fell         the  raven;         then  black.         Then  seized  did  the  hawk 

hotaca'x  ta'memoloxotc'  ene-"  hotc'axe'  lexala-'  taxle 
the  feather.  Then  jumped  the  old  woman,  the  Chahe.  "Grandfather!"  And 

already 

ti't'oLpet  po'xtela'k'  hotc'axe"  k'o'Lpex  lo-'lk'§" 

scalded.         Entered  in  earth         the  Chahe.         Came  out,         "Burnt  I!" 

k'o'Lpext'Ma'  hofi-ko"u  pisi'lxo'  wela'k'  k'o'lpex 

Sprouted  mescal         everywhere         whole         the  earth.         Sprouted 

peyexte-'to'  ka-'xwen  ho-t?Ma'  peke'lentxo  wela-'k' 

its  seed;         many         the  mescal.         Circled         the  earth. 

lectiko"'  smak'  tumla'luo  ta'metika'  t'Ma  ketca-' 
South-west  tar  then  left  it.  Then  is  mescal  great. 

we-k'e'weL  hute't'  xaptep  hotc'ine-"  huke'u'         mtana" 

At  north         ended         the  old  woman,  the  place.         Now 

kite-'mna  sikililip  niaka-"  to-cko'N'E  he'u' 

sounds         encircle;         now         implanted         she 

te-ta'xaptep          ki-'silip  to'toxoyota-'i '  tau'me  taxa'ptep 

to  finish  all  life  until  ends 


42  Told  by  Maria  Ocarpia,  1916.     Cf.  Ethnology,  p.  194;  present  paper,  p.  84. 


1918]  Mason:  The  Language  of  the  Salinan  Indians  109 

umk'wa'L  tetVnkox  okete'a/'  ot'a-To'  otc'ene/' 

world.         Planted         the  great         the  fruit.         The  old  woman 

he'u'  le'uxo'  k'e'wel  ke'u'  hu'tet' axaptep 

she  is  north,  there.  Ended 

hapok'  e'lec 

the  story. 


In  former  times  there  was  an  old  woman  known  as  Chahe.  Her 
stomach  was  a  basket  full  of  boiling  tar  which  she  carried  on  her 
shoulder.  She  would  inveigle  people  to  approach  her  and  then  throw 
them  into  the  boiling  tar  where  they  were  digested.  One  day  she  was 
seated  on  a  hill  waiting  for  someone  to  pass  by.  Then  there  came 
Prairie-Falcon  accompanied  by  his  uncle  Raven.  They  saw  Chahe 
and  Prairie-Falcon  said,  "Have  you  got  your  flute?"  "Yes,"  said 
Raven.  ' '  "What  charms  have  you  ? ' '  For  both  of  the  friends  possessed 
magic  flutes  which  aided  them  in  everything  they  undertook. 

When  Chahe  saw  them  she  said,  ingratiatingly,  "Nephews,  you 
have  a  long  journey  to  go.  Better  get  up  on  my  shoulder  and  let  me 
carry  you. ' '  So  they  flew  up  on  their  flutes  and  sat  on  her  shoulder ; 
she  was  very  tall.  Then  she  sang : 

Wayawaye !    Hesekola ! 

It  is  crying,  that  which  I  am  going  to  kill ! 

Then  they  stood  up  on  their  flutes  but  Raven  missed  his  balance 
and  fell  into  the  basket  of  tar.  That  is  the  reason  he  is  so  black ;  before 
this  Raven  was  as  beautiful  as  Prairie-Falcon.  But  the  latter  reached 
down  and  caught  Raven  by  one  feather  and  hauled  him  out  and 
revived  him.  Then  they  pulled  out  their  fire  drills  and  set  fire  to  the 
tar.  Chahe  jumped  as  the  fire  touched  her  and  cried  out,  "Oh,  grand- 
father!" Her  skin  began  to  peel  off  and  she  ran  about  furiously. 
She  ran  into  the  earth  in  her  endeavor  to  extinguish  the  fire,  and  then 
came  out  again.  ' '  I  am  burning  up  ! "  she  cried.  All  over  the  earth 
she  ran  leaving  drops  of  burning  tar,  and  every  place  where  the  tar 
fell  there  sprouted  the  mescal.  Much  tar  fell  to  the  southwest  and 
there  is  a  great  mescal.  Her  course  fiinally  ended  in  the  north  where 
she  still  is  heard  running  in  circles.  And  so  she  will  continue  all  her 
life  to  the  end  of  the  world,  dropping  seeds  of  mescal.  There  is  still 
the  old  woman  in  the  north. 

My  story  is  ended. 


110  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 

PEAIEIE-FALCON  AND  ELF  4s 

ta'miyax  umtake"  otcilwa'iyi  teci'k'  ka'ro' 

Then  came         in  road         the  old  man         barn  owl.          ? 

kamti'          he'k'a          maka/'           ta'miyax          hock 'an  k'e'sko' 

Hunted,         said          ?         Then  came         the  hawk         spying. 

tamik'a-'ka        tcilwa'i        he'k'a        maka/'        k'a'ka        totewo'ts  'o ' 

Then  sang         old  man,         said         ?         Sang,         "With  feather 

kakeV  ticxe'po'  hoskVmAa'n'  wi  wi  wi 

hangs         his  foot         the  elf!         Wheel         Wheel         Wheel" 

a'met'  ica'to  ta'metika  howetcele"  hik'a  te'k'a 

Then  walked  did.         Then  was         the  bunting         said,         "Who  is 

mi'slipap          ta'meyax          ki-'       hoskama'a'n'         ko'mop          cxa'p 
smells  himself?"         Then  came         went         the  elf,         made  himself         rock. 

ta'met 'etepai          ha'lap          ta'a'u'  kecme"L  ta'met'  xauwat 

Then  said,         "Throw         fire."         Threw.         Then  became  yellow 

hot'icu"  tamexa-'ta'  umk'wa'p  a'mtepeL  ka'pel 

the  his  breast         Then  wept         in  sweat-house.         Then  filled,         filled 

hotica-'to'          a'metikonox          umtiti'lk'o         'otoca-'to  hock  YD 

the  his  tears.         Then  arrived         to  his  head         the  his  tears          the  hawk. 

a'miyix  ki-'to'  ta'meto'yokapto '  a'miyi  ki-'to' 

Then  came         went  did.         Then  revived  did.         Then  went,         went  did. 

me'topokapto '  ta'meyi  hoskVn  keuke'  xilap'to' 

When  revived  did         then  went         the  hawk         where          braves  did. 

tameka-'to'  hotcine"  pasie'M  xui  ka'natapato" 

Then  was  there         the  old  woman          named         Xui.         Was  pounding 

pe"Li        ke'ra'         cuke'nt'o        ta'meye         kixola'p'to'         loko'xo' 
pil.         No         her  eyes.         Then  went,         went  the  raven  did,         snatched  it, 

pamo"          hope"L          a'miyaxtoN          tamiki-'yahock 'an          ko'tisen 
ate  it        the  pil.        Then  came  again       then  came  the  hawk,        "Be  careful!  " 

h§'§"        yu'wan        nape'L'      a'mipacai'yo        pane'      tamipopa-'uto' 
' '  Yes.         Sweet        this  pil !  "         Then  raised  it         pestle.         Then  seized  it  did. 

me'ten  p'o'caito'  hop'a'NE  ta'mipopa-'uto'         hola-'p' 

When  again         raised  did         the  pestle.         then  seized  it  did        the  raven. 

ta'metet        omya'mcep          ta'miyehock  Vn         papo'xo         me'neno' 

Then  said,         "Dost  see?"         Then  went  the  hawk,         put  in         his  hand. 

ta'mepopa-uto '  hotits  Vlto '  ta'mexotko'  ta'mela-'p 'seto ' 

Then  seized  did     the  tip  of  his  wing.     Then  blew  him,     then  raven  was  there. 

a'miyito'          ki-'to'           ya'ma          ocka'k'           pVmas           te'metet 
Then  went  did,         went  did,         saw        the  crow.          Shouted,          then  told, 

he'k'a'         ki'yaxno"          tepot 'ha'lap '         hotika'uwi          amet'o'xoN 
said,       ' '  Come  soon       people ! ' '       The  sleepiness.       Then  snored, 


43  Told  by  Maria  Oearpia,  1916.     Cf .  Ethnology,  p.  192 ;   present  paper,  pp. 
67,  92,  93. 


1918]  Mason:  The  Language  of  the  Salinan  Indians  111 

ka'uwi          kl'ka          ucokonoi'          ta'kenco"          xu'tia          hota'a'p 

slept.     Was         the  great  owl,         doctor  was.         Sick         the  deer 

kitcV  ta'metet  me'nok'eko'  hota'ken  ta'met'et 

great.          Then  said,          "Go  to  see  I  him          the  doctor."          Then  said 

hocokenoV  akfteno^pa'mka  anato'°poka  eme-'tikas 

the  great  owl,          "Where  he  who  kills  thee?          Allow  head          to  see  if  can 

te-tc'o'ino" 
suck  will ! ' ' 

Old  man  Barn-Owl  came  along  the  road ;  he  had  been  hunting  with 
the  aid  of  his  magic  feather  with  which  he  killed  his  game.    Prairie- 
Falcon  came  after  him,spying.     Then  the  old  man  sang: 
Because  of  my  feather, 

Elf  hangs  by  his  foot ! 
Wheel  Wheel  Wheel 

For  he  had  caught  Elf  and  hung  him  up  by  one  foot  in  his  sweat- 
house  so  as  to  kill  him.  Then  he  went  away. 

Then  Prairie-Falcon  went  to  the  sweat-house  and  wept;  he  wept 
so  long  that  the  house  filled  with  his  tears,  they  reached  the  head  of 
Elf  hanging  there  and  revived  him. 

Elf  was  seated  smelling  his  arms  when  Bunting  came  by  and 
laughed  and  said,  "Who  is  this  who  is  smelling  himself?"  At  that 
Elf  went  and  turned  himself  into  stone.  Then  Prairie-Falcon  got 
angry  and  said,  ' '  I  will  throw  fire  at  him ! ' '  He  did  so,  and  for  that 
reason  Bunting's  breast  is  yellow  to  this  day. 

Then,  after  reviving  Elf,  Prairie-Falcon  went  to  meet  the  other 
brave  animals.  There  was  an  old  woman  named  Hui  who  was  pound- 
ing pil  in  a  mortar.  She  had  no  eyes.  Raven  was  there  putting  his 
foot  in  the  mortar  and  stealing  some  pil.  Prairie-Falcon  came  along 
and  said,  ' '  Take  care ! "  "  Yes, ' '  replied  Raven,  ' '  but  this  pil  is  very 
sweet!"  Whenever  she  raised  the  pestle  Raven  would  seize  a  hand- 
ful of  pil.  "Do  you  not  see?"  he  said.  At  last  Raven  was  a  moment 
slow  and  Hui  pounded  him  in  the  mortar.  Then  Prairie-Falcon 
reached  in  his  talons  and  caught  him  by  the  tip  of  the  wing  and  pulled 
him  out.  He  blew  on  him  and  Raven  assumed  his  present  shape. 

Prairie-Falcon  then  went  and  encountered  Crow  who  cried  to 
him,  ' '  The  Humans  are  coming  now ! ' '  Prairie-Falcon  caused  him  to 
sleep  and  snore. 

Great-Owl  was  a  medicine-man.  The  big  Deer  was  sick  and  said, 
"I  will  go  and  see  the  doctor."  Then  said  Great  Owl,  "Who  is  the 
man  who  is  trying  to  kill  you?  Let  me  suck  your  head." 


112  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Etlin.     [Vol.  14 

THE  SEEPENT4* 

ke'ka'  hotinele"  p'i'cxo'  hot'ipo't'  petak'a'u 

Was         the    serpent.         Ate   him         the    Indian.         Named   him. 

pet'xa'u'        hot'ukV'Yi        hutema'it'  o '        tela'Mi        ta'mepesno'xo ' 
Had  it         the  whirlwind         that  gave  did         to  eat.         Then  heard  him 

hock 'an'          ta'metet          aketa'ti          he'k'a'          hola'p'          kYlau' 
the  hawk.        Then  said,        "How  to  do?"        Said        the  raven,        "How  many 

tumtc'a'haL          pet'xa'uk'e/          tike'ra'          kopa'utek          hock'o't 

thy  powers?"  "Have  I  that  no  not  overtake  me  the  snake. 

pet'xa'u  kVu'  toti'pe'N  np  nak'e"  ha'kic 

Have   it         where         quick."         "Good!         This   I         two 

la'pai         t'opo'!yela         ke'u'         t'ica'xal         ake'ho'         a-some-'nekA 

three         mountains.          There         power. "         "  Where    the  ? "  "  Asomeneka 

hoke'u'  aketo'nho'  a-'sumloiya' MI  tanmo"  ha/ 

the   place."       "Where   again   the?"       "Asumloyam.       And   thou?"       "Yes. 

pa'xok'e"  tei'tc'ai'  no'  aketunke'u  umle'saM 

Place    I         neck!"         "Good!         Where    again    place?"         "At    Morro, 

tomele'u'  t'ca'haL  no'  poxk'e'to'  nu."i  me-'no 

last         power."         "Good!         Enter    I    did.         Good    is.         Let's    see 

nok'xa'          hock'ot          tik'a'mento'          ki'yalto'           co'keneock'o't 
we         the  snake         that  we  saw  did. ' '         Went  they  did,         awoke  the  snake. 

mecu'ke-nock 'of  tu '  ke'we-ts'na  ta'met'uk'  hots'ak'a'i 

When  awoke  the  snake  did  shouted.  Then  broke  the  wind. 

yot'me'  wi't'nak  t'u'k'  hots'aka'i  t'ak'ak'o' 

"Come  now,         nephew!"         Broke         the  wind,         felled. 

no'  na'i'  kat'me'  ki'yax  leu'  hock'o't 

"Good!         Eun!         Let's   go    now!"         Came         then         the    snake. 

leM  kera/'  lak'  xaipa'ko'  pa'mtakna'  119 

"Up!"       "No!       Down!"       "Summon  strength!       Seize  this!       Good!" 

klyaxle'u'  kewe-ts 'nale"  hotinele"  male'ntax  t'me 

Came  then,         shouted         the  serpent.         "Eemember         pray!" 

np  xaiya'L  kaxot'Lop  t'me  xa-'tanokV 

"Good!         Went         passed         then!"         "Weep  will  I." 

ko'mxa-ta  lale'x  tumtc'  a-'haL  no'  he'la 

"Don't  weep!  Throw  thy  power!  Good!  Wait! 

loiyamka'ka'  keutc'a'haL  ^-  na'i'  leM  n^ 

Mountain  is         there  power!"         "Yes!         Eun         up!         Good! 

male'nt'xo  k'e-'  umle'saM  no'  k'a  na'i' 

Eemember  it         I         at  Morro!"         "Good!"  said         "Eun! 

mel'  koptc'eplo  kewe'aca'  xaipa'koa'Ni  pa'mtak 

ahead!"       "Tired   already,       uncle!"        "Summon   strength  please!        Seize 

44  Told  by  Maria  Ocarpia,  1916.     Cf.  Ethnology,  p.  193;  present  paper,  p.  92. 


1918]  Mason:  The  Language  of  the  Salinan  Indians  113 

nonack'ot  len  t'me-'ke'          ta'ml'to'  klyalumle-'M 

will  this  snake!         Up!          Go!"         Then  went  did,         went  upwards, 

ko't'atnoxto'  ta'meteeThock'at'to'  ka-aloto'  k'e'l-o' 

went  headlong  did.     Then  preceded  the  snake  did.     Was  already  did.     Enveloped 

hole'san  ta'metko'nox           tVinox          umt'ika'ko'  hock'o't 

the  Mono.         Then  arrived,         settled         on  peak.         The  snake 

se'kelelep  leV  hock'o't  ye'nt'  xole'ij '         ta'metot 'oinop 

enveloped         then.         The  snake         caught  him  then.         Then  jumped 

hockVn'  ta'mepeta-no  hotitomu'i'  ta'mepoko't'o'to' 

the  hawk.         Then  seized         the  charm.         Then  killed  him  did; 

k'i'ca'  t'a'kai'  hock'o't  he'u 'wa'tikasmeko'i 

four        pieces         the  snake.         Therefore  are  rattlesnakes, 

tacni'L  wa"tika'  tet'xa'ptep  le'  tinele" 

others;  therefore    are.  Died  already  serpent. 

hewucwa-'t 'oxo '  hotikalno'  ka'xwen  ne"wo't 

Therefore  poison  the  flesh.  many  got  they 

co'watot  ta'miyax  helk'a'  ne'uto'N  co'wato 

poison.  Then  came  coyote,  got  also  poison. 

ta'mitika  hosku'ntui'  smiko-'i  umla'mka  he"k'a' 

Then  are  the  little  rattlesnakes  at  shore  Said 

hock'o't  ku'xo1  yo-tap '  kiyax  ce'tep  taLk'e' 

the  snake,  "Live  always.  Die  I 

le'u'  kasko'xo-yoita'p 

already,         but  they  live." 

Once  there  was  an  animal  which  ate  the  Indians  and  was  called 
Serpent.  The  whirlwind  was  his  protector  and  brought  him  food. 
Prairie-Falcon  heard  of  him  and  said,  "What  shall  we  do?"  "How 
many  powers  have  you  ? ' '  asked  Raven.  ' '  I  have  one  so  fast  that  the 
snake  will  not  be  able  to  catch  me."  "Good!"  "In  two  or  three 
different  mountains,  there  are  my  powers."  "Where?"  asked  Prairie- 
Falcon.  "At  Asomeneka."  "And  the  other?"  "At  Asumloyam." 
(Both  mountains  are  near  to  Cholam  where  the  snake  also  lived.) 
' '  And  you  ? "  "  Oh,  I  '11  risk  my  neck  anywhere ! "  "  Good !  Where 
is  your  power?"  "At  the  Morro;  that  is  the  last  power."  "Good! 
I  have  been  there ;  that 's  all  right.  Let 's  go  and  see  the  snake. ' ' 

They  went  and  the  snake  awoke,  and  when  he  awoke  he  cried  out 
for  the  whirlwind.  "Come  along,  nephew!"  cried  Prairie-Falcon. 
Along  came  the  wind,  felling  everything  in  its  path.  ' '  Good !  Eun ! ! 
Come  on ! ! ! '  'shouted  Prairie-Falcon  and  they  fled  across  country  with 
the  snake  and  the  wind  close  behind  them.  "Fly  up!"  yelled  one. 


114  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 

"No,  down!"  shouted  the  other.  "Summon  up  your  strength  or  he 
will  catch  us !  Good ! ' '  Serpent  came  yelling.  ' '  Just  remember  your 
powers, ' '  entreated  Prairie-Falcon.  ' ' Good !  They  have  passed. "  "I 
am  going  to  cry,"  said  Raven.  "No!  Don't  cry!  Cast  your  spell! 
Good ! "  "  Wait  a  moment ;  there  in  the  mountains  are  my  powers ! ' ' 
' '  Yes,  fly  up !  Good !  I  remember  mine  at  the  Morro. "  "  Good ! ' '  said 
the  Raven.  ' '  Fly  ahead ;  I  am  tired,  uncle ! "  "  Just  summon  all 
your  strength  or  the  snake  will  get  us !  Fly  up !  Go ! "  And  they 
flew  towards  Morro  with  the  snake  in  pursuit.  They  flew  upwards, 
headlong,  before  the  serpent.  He  wrapped  himself  around  the  Morro 
from  beneath  and  the  allies  seated  themselves  on  the  top.  He  had 
almost  caught  them  when  up  jumped  Prairie-Falcon  and  seized  his 
charm.  With  it  he  cut  the  snake  into  four  pieces  and  killed  him. 

And  from  these  four  pieces  were  formed  the  snakes  of  today.  On 
this  account  there  are  rattlesnakes  and  others;  therefore  their  flesh 
is  poison.  Many  snakes  got  their  poison  thus.  Coyote  also  came  and 
secured  poison.  There  are  many  little  rattlesnakes  at  the  coast  near 
Morro.  The  old  snake  said,  ; '  They  shall  live  forever ;  I  have  died,  but 
they  will  live." 

THE  ELF  AND  THE  BEAE« 

ke'kato  hotaa"pi  ho.e-'xo'  hoskamaxa'n' 

Was  then  the  deer,  the  his  mother  the  elf. 

ta'mexwen       hot'Axa'i'  umtantc  'a-'ut'  mike  he/'§  k'§' 

Then  came         the  bear.         "Wilt  permit  hunt  thy  lice?"         "Yes."         "I 

etc'a'u-'  np-  tc'a'wo  k'e'  miyok  toku'micax 

hunt;         now        hunt  them         I."         "Why         dost  not  thou  eat?" 

ke'ra'  ke'rcax  wa'kat't'a'L  no'  k'e-ts'a  yi'x 

"No,         not  I  eat         toads!"         "Good!  I  first!"         "Come! 

etc'a'u'  t'  mi'ke'  a'mp'icxotu'  umla'k'aiyo  a'meco-ka' 
Catch  thy  lice!"  Then  bit  her  did  in  her  neck.  Then  ripped 

t'e'peno  ta'metik  Vtopto '  hoskamaha'n'  a'metica- 

her  belly.  Then  was  there  the  elf.  Then  went 

hot'Axai"  p'i'cxo'  ta'meti 'thoskam  Vn  ce-'ta  ticxe-'po' 
the  bear,  ate  her.  Then  said  the  elf,  "Scabby  his  feet, 

sko'nt'o'yi'  coke'ntV  t'u'moi-ne'  tits' e"p  kake'tV 
little  his  eyes  stubby  tail!"  said  did. 

tok'apeWwi  mopkVt'o'  a'meya-kike-tu  kikeumke'unene" 
Within  the  hollow  stone  grew  did.  Then  went  did,  went  to  where  grandmother, 


45  Told  by  Maria  Ocarpia,  1916.     Cf.  E.  W.  Gifford,  "Miwok  Myths,"  this 
series,  XII,  286,  333. 


1918]  Mason:  The  Language  of  the  Salinan  Indians  115 

osaya-'pa'  mop'ke-'to'  umke'unene"  a'mek'ate'k 

the  rainbow.         Grew   did,         there  where  grandmother.         Then  fight 

hot'eLxo'  ta'mete't  honene"  ko'milyo-ta 

the  thunder.         Then   said         the  grandmother,         "Do  not   select  him  now! 

xa'i  pena'ika  kera/'  ku'penaiyako  ha-'  mono" 

Bad!         Wound  thee!"         "No!         Not  wound  me!         "Yes!         Thou  now! 

kumt'  Me'na-iko  kecxoneka'  tipucxa'f  ta'me-ta 

Not  thy  wounding?         Art  weak  only."         "At  dawn         then  test 

hot'ilxo'  p'ama'sko  kV  tepucxa'i  ta'miyax 

the  thunder.  Call  him  I!"  At  dawn  then  came 

t'e'Lxo'  oko'penaiyaxto'  cuka'iyelak  kasko'penaiyak 

thunder.         "Not  wounded  me  did;         kicked  me         but  not  wounded  me." 

ka'ceL          tamhe/ij          to'mel'          wela'k'          kera'          k'e-lap'kV 
Tested  then  to  end  of  world.  "No,  wrap  I 

tusie-'t'  tc'ka'ten'  sieT  nene-"  ma'xtop'ai' 

in  feather,  red  feather,  grandmother."  "Put  ashes 

umti'kau'  misxa-'teL  okepenaiyak  ole'cxai'  no' 

on  body!         Urinate!"         "Not  wound  me         the  rain!"         "Good! 

ma'menip  ki-le'cxai  a'metamenep  ka'menept'o' 

Come  out!"         Went  rain.         Then  came  out,         came  out  did. 

kace'i  t'iTo'  a'mekept'a  a'mecitipto '  kept'g,' 

Tried         to  do.         Then  was  cold,         then  died  did.         Was  cold. 

tametetoan§ij'  ko'milio-ta  nak'olciyip  ta'metan  'to ' 

Then  said  the  his  grandmother,       ' '  Don 't  concern  thyself       these  things ! ' '        Then 

arose  did, 

te'miyi'        k'l-t'o'        tc'a'wo'        le-'        pokot'xo        e-'xo'        lya-'mo' 

then  went,    went  did.    Sought  him    previously    killed  her    his  mother.    Saw  them 

hakisme-'teno'         tamepokot 'xo         ho-sku'nt'  ui '         hotaxa-'iyak'ten' 
two  his  children.         Then  killed  them        the  little  ones,         the  bears, 

papa'to'  pani'kV  ta'ntica  hotAxai'  xa'pko' 

roasted  them,         gave  him.         Then  wandered        the  bear,         dug, 

k'o-tc'e'L  taminap'Le"       a'mexwen  mi'caxna          nata'pata 

cacomites.    Then  cooked  then.     Then  came.      "Eat  this,    this  which  roasted." 

a'mepicxoto'  ta'metitowetcele"  te'k'a'  pi'cxo' 

Then  ate  did.          Then  said  the  bunting,  "Who  is  eats  him 

pa'so'  talt'na"  kera/'  nate'ko'iYi  kicksa'na 

his  son?"  "What  thy  remark?          No,          this  root          resembles 

ticxi'po'  napVs  le'ut'iie  ta'mete't  ake" 

his  foot  the  son."  When  went  then  said,  "Where 

tikiaT  onosme-'ten  nop'no'na  kotc'e'L  ts'axwen' 

then  went  did  the  children?         Cooked  these         cacomites!        Dried 


116  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 

no'na  tametet  howe-tcele"  k|k'§'  pema't'ko 

this!"         Then  said         the  bunting,         "Go  I,         follow  him 

k'  e'  poko't  'xoke-"  tia'pautec  kera'm&s  kea'pa-u 

I,         kill  him  I         if  overtake  him!          No  more,         not  I  overtake  him. 

kerako't'  a-te  me'tok'  e 

No,  not  has,  try  I!" 

Once  there  was  a  doe,  the  mother  of  an  elf.  A  bear  came  and  said, 
1 ' Let  me  louse  you. "  "All  right. "  "I  will  hunt  for  them. ' '  So  the 
bear  loused  the  doe  but  threw  the  lice  away.  "Why  don't  you  eat 
them?"  asked  the  doe.  "I  can't  eat  toads!"  replied  the  bear. 
' '  Good ! ' '  said  the  doe.  ' '  Then  I  will. "  "  Come  and  catch  your  lice, ' ' 
said  the  bear.  He  was  angry  at  her  and  when  she  came  bit  her  on 
the  neck  and  killed  her.  Then  he  ripped  open  her  belly  and  out  came 
the  elf.  But  the  bear  continued  eating  the  doe.  Then  said  the  elf, 
' '  Scabby  will  be  your  feet,  your  eyes  small,  your  tail  stubby ! ' ' 

In  a  little  cave  the  elf  grew  up.  At  last  he  decided  to  go  to  his 
grandmother,  the  rainbow,  and  there  grew  more.  Then  he  decided 
to  fight  with  the  thunder.  But  his  grandmother  said,  "Don't  bother 
with  him;  he  is  evil  and  will  harm  you."  "No,"  said  the  elf,  "he 
can 't  hurt  me ! "  "  What !  Who  are  you  that  he  can  not  harm  you  ? 
You  are  weak."  "In  the  morning,"  said  the  elf,  "I  will  try  con- 
clusions with  the  thunder.  I  will  shout  to  him ! "  At  dawn  came  the 
thunder  and  they  fought.  "He  did  not  wound  me,"  said  the  elf. 
"He  kicked  me  but  did  not  hurt  me."  And  he  pursued  him  to  the 
end  of  the  world.  ' '  I  will  wrap  myself  in  a  red  feather,  grandmother. ' ' 
"Put  ashes  all  over  your  body  and  urinate,"  she  advised  him.  "The 
rain  will  not  hurt  me,"  said  he.  "Good!"  he  cried.  "Come  out, 
rain ! ' '  The  rain  came  and  it  was  very  cold,  so  cold  that  the  elf  died, 
but  revived  again.  Then  said  his  grandmother,  "Don't  bother  your- 
self about  these  things ! ' ' 

Then  he  arose  and  went  to  seek  him  who  had  killed  his  mother  long 
before,  the  bear.  He  found  the  two  cubs  and  killed  and  roasted  them. 
The  bear  was  away  digging  out  cacomites.  When  he  came,  the  elf 
said  to  him,  ' '  Eat  this  food  which  I  have  cooked. ' '  And  the  bear  ate 
it.  Then  cried  the  bunting,  "Who  is  this  who  eats  his  children?" 
"What  did  you  say?"  asked  the  bear.  "Yes,  this  root  resembles  my 
child's  foot!"  Then  the  elf  fled  and  the  bear  moaned,  "Where  have 
my  children  gone?  They  are  cooked  and  dried  with  cacomites!" 
Then  he  said  to  the  bunting,  ' '  I  will  go  and  follow  him,  and  I  will  kill 
him  if  I  overtake  him.  I  am  afraid  I  will  not  overtake  him,  but  I 
willtry." 


1918]  Mason:  The  Language  of  the  Salinan  Indians  117 

THE  OLD  PEOPLED 

le-lo"  hoti'pota"  a'L  hokot'  i'cnoma-ic  umk'we'L 

Long  ago  the  people  the  not  believed  in  world. 

kieNo'ma-ic  hot'ixai"  pi'cxo-t  hotana't  ki-'sili'p 

Believed  the  bear.  Ate  they  the  seed.  All 

k'ona-'ka  t'Mi'cxot  le-lo"  hot' ipotaha-'L  kicxo-'tene 

root  ate  they  long  ago  the  people.  Were  poor 

hot'  ipotaha'L  le-lo"  ts  'ka'te-laxka-"  kera'  pante'lo-t 

the  people  long  ago.         Naked,  no  pantaloons. 

pi'cxot  kas  tepaste'n'  pe'cxo-t  kas  taa'p' 

Ate  they  only  root,  ate  they  only  deer 

tmi'cxo't  ki-'sili'p'  hawaT  axoyo-tela  'p '  homat'e'lak 

to  eat.  All  therefore  lived  they  the  animals 

tuwela-'k'  koxo'yo-tela'pt'o'  t'o-sa'xten'  kicxa'u' 

in  this  land;  they  lived  did  the  birds.  They  ate 

mu'i'  hot'ipo't'  tax  map'  ke'ta-i  lime'N 

antelope,  the  Indian,  and  rabbit.  They  made  blanket 

hutik'e-'so't  tacne'L  me'tamt' ele'  pet'ene-'k'o' 

the  to  protect.  Some  when  hunted  they  shot  him 

hopVc  a'mepe'cxoto  top'a'c  ta'mepetakt'  ona'siL 

the  elk.         Then  ate  him  did         the  elk.         Then  made  did  the  acorn  mush. 

ta'mepetak  to-ni'su'  t'o-kVmta'  tc'ee'lo'to' 

Then  made         did  the  skirt         of  the  tule,         wrapped  him  did 

hopa'so'  pa-'xo'          totc'aname"  tc'a-'mo'  hopa'so' 

the  her  child,         put  him         in  the  cradle,         wrapped  him         the  her  child. 

ta'miyi  ki-'to'  ma'a-'u'  hopa'so'  '  umtitc  Vm ' 

Then  went,         went  did,         carried  him,         the  her  child         on  back; 

maVwu  hop'e-'talo'  ua-'wel  ne'ij'  he-Lka" 

carried  him  the  carrying  basket.  Went  bring  wild  seeds, 

ne'i}'  hopa'siL  no'iyo'ton'  k'a'p'  pVpex 

brought         the   chia,        gathered   again         acorn,         china   oak. 

a'mlyax  mt'a-'M  po-L  xwe'nto'  la'mto'  kera' 

Then  came         to  house,         roasted,         arrived  did,         ate  did.         Not 

kuyumts'e-'na'i  hu-ma't'aLta  pa'xa-iyot  na'i' 

not  knew  the  whites;  afraid  they,  ran 

humt'opo'iyela'          ci'tLip          t'a-cNe'L          pu'lux          umte-'lik' ten 
into  mountains;         died  they.         Some         entered         into  caves. 

Long  ago  the  people  did  not  believe  in  the  world;  they  believed 
in  (like  ?)  the  bear.  They  ate  all  kind  of  seeds  and  roots  and  were 
very  poor.  They  were  naked  and  wore  no  trousers;  they  ate  only 

46  Told  by  Maria  Ocarpia,  1916. 


118  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 

roots  and  venison.  Then  all  the  animals  lived  in  this  land  and  all  the 
birds.  The  Indians  ate  antelope  and  rabbit.  They  made  blankets  to 
protect  themselves  from  the  cold.  Some  hunters  were  able  to  shoot 
elk  and  ate  them.  They  made  acorn  mush.  They  made  dresses  of 
tule.  The  women  wrapped  up  their  children  and  put  them  in  the 
cradle  and  carried  them  on  their  backs.  They  also  took  their  carrying 
baskets  and  gathered  wild  seeds,  chia  and  acorns  from  the  china  oak. 
When  they  returned  they  roasted  the  seeds  and  ate  them.  They  were 
not  familiar  with  the  white  people  and  were  frightened  when  they 
came.  They  escaped  into  the  mountains;  some  died  and  some  hid  in 
caves. 

THE  ECLIPSED 

kekake'msgli's  lelo"  ce'tipona"  cmak'a-'i 

Was  I  in  San  Luis  formerly.  Dead  the  sun,  dark, 

ts'ne'teL  me-'ten'  poxna"  ta-meti'cro'p  hona" 

cold.  When  again  rose  sun  then  beheld  the  sun. 

cxa'lhotipo-"t '  ta'me.alsa-'lotipota'ha-L  ka-ki'nyi' 

Frightened  the  people.  Then  prayed  the  people,  thought 

tiyino"  umk'waL  p0cxai'to'u  tamets 'e-'tenhotiput' a-L 

that  finish         world.         Dawned  then.         Then  content  again  the  people, 

iia'lyeton '  to'ixto '  ce'tep'  na' ' 

awaited  again         one  more         dead  sun. 

I  was  in  San  Luis  Obispo  when  there  was  an  eclipse.  It  was  dark 
and  chill.  When  the  sun  rose,  it  appeared  eclipsed.  The  people  were 
frightened  and  prayed ;  they  believed  that  the  end  of  the  world  had 
come.  Then  the  sun  came  out  again  and  they  were  relieved,  awaiting 
the  next  eclipse. 

THE  TOENADQ48 

ya'mo  ke  hots'a-kaT  ts'a'kai  k'e'weL 

Saw  I  the  wind.  Wind  north, 

ts'a'kai  p'a-'noP  ki'k 'ate-tep'  hots'akai  p'a-'noL 

wind  south,  they  contended  the  wind  south. 

ta'mecxa'lo-t'  cxa'lok'e  na'ik'e  tum'peti-'ocko't' 

Then  frightened,  frightened  I,  ran  I.  Then  fell  the  snake 

t'ca'  me-p8/cxai  ta'metumts'ahe'L  cmot'  ts'ahe'L 

water.  When  dawned,  then  fell  snow,  thick  snow. 

a'metom'  k'a'une'L  mepecxa-ito'  ta'melalua'p 

Then  fell         hail.  When  dawned  did  then  ceased. 

na'  ts'a-'lamkwaL  ta'miya-tek  ne'uk'e-  t'a-'kata 

Sun  clear.  Then  went  I,  brought  I  wood. 


47  Told  by  Maria  Ocarpia,  1916. 

48  Told  by  Maria  Ocarpia,  1916. 


1918]  Mason:  The  Language  of  the  Salinan  Indians  119 

ta'meco-n'  t'a'a'u'w  ta-'melalo           xo-'tapai'  tamiya-tek 

Then  kindled  fire.         Then  threw  out         the  ashes.         Then  went  I 

tene"  t'ca'  neuk'et'ca'  a'mexwe-ntek  tene" 

to  fetch          water.         Brought  I  water.         Then  arrived  I         to  fetch 

t'ca'  ta'me-tak  xolama'u'wi  ta'melamtekt'  o' 

water.  Then  made  the  food.  Then  ate  I  did; 

tamenal-kVt'o'  ta'miya-tek  kike-'to'  n§uk'eto' 

then  filled  I  did.         Then  went  I;         went  I  did.         Brought  I  did, 

pehetc  'na'p'  koke  ta-'katA  ta'miyaxtekt'o'  naye'mk'e' 

chopped  I  wood.  Then  came  I  did,  brought  I 

ta-'katA  umti'tc  'o  'p 

wood  on          shoulder. 

I  saw  the  winds ;  the  north  wind  and  the  south  wind  battled.  Then 
I  was  frightened  and  ran.  Torrents  of  rain  fell.  When  the  morn- 
ing dawned  there  was  snow,  thick  snow.  And  the  hail  fell.  When  it 
dawned  they  ceased,  and  the  sun  came  out  clear.  Then  I  went  and  got 
wood  and  kindled  the  fire.  Then  I  threw  out  the  ashes  and  went  to 
get  water.  When  I  arrived  with  the  water  I  cooked  breakfast.  Then 
I  ate  and  became  filled  and  then  went  and  chopped  wood  and  brought 
it  to  the  house  on  my  shoulder. 

THE  FAMINE  YEAE« 

le-lo"  k'a-no'  lice'  ckomolice"  kerale'cxai' 

Long  ago  thin  year,  bad  year,  no  rain. 

la'pai  lice'  tike'rala-mau'  pe'cxo-t  paxa'k 

Three  year  that  no  food.  Ate  they  bones 

ma't'a-L         t'ot'o-'iyo'          t'oxo'L          pamo"          tamepetaktona'sii, 
white  pounded  mortar.  Ate,  then  made  acorn  mush 

topatVk  kerama"t  kerataa"p  k  'aneketc'  a-" 

manzanita.  No  animals,  no  deer.         Thin  great. 

kicxa-'uo         seneste'L         toke'cxo-tene '         tipotaha'L         tameti'ka ' 
They  ate  alfilerillos.  Poor  people.  Then  was 

t'of  tc'ine"  poku't'xo'  t'o'ixyu 

one  old  woman  killed   him  one  her   son, 

pi'cxo'  papa-'to'  ko'Lt'a'L  opa'so' 

ate  him,  roasted  him.         Was  hungry        the  her  sou.         Then  came 

o'asa-'kV  ta'mepeteneto '  o'ape-'u'  la'pai  tit'e'ni' 

the  his  uncle;         then  shot  arrows  did         the  her  brother        three        arrows, 

pecxo'pa'so'  lale-'xo'  oko'xe-'cto'  pe'cxo'  xelk'a" 

ate  him  her  son.         Shot  her,         not  buried  did,         ate  her         coyote. 

k'ane-"  ketcVlelo"  otipotaha-'L  okucitLip 

Scarcity  great  formerly.  The  people  not  they  died, 

o  Told  by  Maria  Ocarpia,  1916. 


120          •  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 

oknad'yal'  umla-'mka  pi'cxo-t  ho-cmaiyi'k' 

the  that  lived  on  coast;         ate  they  the  abalones, 

tc'a'haliltena'  umticu"W£) 't  keralama'u'  powa-'tka 

thin  in  their  breasts.  No  food,  seaweed 

t'mi'cxo' 
to  eat. 

Once  there  was  a  famine  year,  a  bad  year.  For  three  years  there 
was  no  rain  and  no  food.  They  ate  bleached  bones  pounded  in  the 
mortar,  and  acorn  mush  made  of  manzanitas.  There  were  no  deer  and 
no  meat ;  it  was  a  great  famine.  The  poor  people  ate  alfilerillo  seeds. 
One  old  woman  killed  and  roasted  and  ate  her  son ;  was  very  hungry. 
Then  her  brother  came  and  killed  her  with  three  arrows  because  she 
had  eaten  her  child.  They  did  not  bury  her  but  left  her  to  be  eaten 
by  the  coyotes.  It  was  a  great  famine.  But  the  people  who  lived  on 
the  shore  did  not  die  because  they  ate  abalones.  But  even  they  were 
thin  because  they  had  nothing  but  seaweed  to  eat. 

THE  EAKTHQUAKEso 

leskosna'tpeteko'  kekai'yot 'ewe"  yi'te'6  hola'k' 

When  was  child  was  earthquake.  Shook  the  ground; 

ke'xitc'nop  hola-'k'  umticu'wec  t'a-'M  ka'kinyi' 

split  the  ground  at  Cholam.  Then  we  thought 

feyimkwe'L  cxa'lhoka'  lu'wale'wu  lice'  teka'melep 

that  would  end  world.       Frightened  we.       Long  ago       years.       To  come  out 

hocwa"Nto  te-la'k'  ketc'a"  yite'elak'  humaT 

the  fish  did         of  ground.         Great         earthquake.         The  animals 

cxa'lho'  hotc'xa"  t'oyetewe'  t'ola-'k'  hota-'kata 

frightened         the  water         of  the  quaking         of  the  earth.         The  trees, 

hop'at'ne'lat         ko'xote'p         tela-'k'         ce-'p'etep'          alasa-'ltenex 
the  oaks         they  bent         to  earth.         Frightened,         prayed  they 

p  'te'lo-to 
bellies. 

When  I  was  a  child  there  was  an  earthquake ;  the  earth  shook  and 
the  ground  cracked  in  Cholam.  "We  were  frightened  and  thought  that 
the  end  of  the  world  had  come.  It  was  many  years  ago.  The  fish 
came  out  of  the  ground ;  it  was  a  great  earthquake.  The  animals  were 
frightened  at  the  water  from  the  earthquake.  The  oak  trees  bent  to 
the  earth  and  the  people  were  frightened  and  fell  on  their  faces  and 
prayed. 


Told  by  Maria  Ocarpia,  1916. 


1918]  Mason:  The  Language  of  the  Salinan  Indians  121 


PART  IV.  VOCABULARY 

In  the  preparation  of  the  present  discussion,  all  the  data  available 
were  collected  and  transferred  to  card-index  and  arranged  under  their 
respective  stems.  As  the  data  were  large,  a  considerable  body  of  mate- 
rial was  thus  secured  which  is  presented  in  the  following  pages  both 
for  the  better  understanding  of  the  accompanying  texts  and  for  pur- 
poses of  comparison  with  other  Indian  languages.  Unfortunately  it 
will  never  be  of  any  practical  value,  as  the  Salinan  dialects  are  doomed 
to  extinction  in  a  very  few  years. 

Practically  all  the  material  here  presented  is  from  three  sources, 
the  forms  collected  by  myself  from  the  surviving  natives  in  recent 
years,  those  recorded  by  Sitjar  more  than  a  century  ago  and  published 
in  his  Vocabulary  and  those  recorded  by  Henshaw  in  1884  for  the 
Bureau  of  American  Ethnology.  To  these  have  been  added  a  very 
small  number  from  the  vocabularies  of  De  la  Cuesta,  Yates  and  Gould, 
Coulter  and  Taylor.  The  forms  recorded  by  Henshaw  are  for  the 
most  part  phonetically  correct  and  required  but  few  and  uniform 
changes  to  make  them  conform  to  the  most  modern  phonetic  usage. 

The  largest  extant  vocabulary  of  Salinan  is  that  of  Fray  Buena- 
ventura Sitjar,  for  a  long  time  the  resident  padre  of  San  Antonio 
Mission.  This  is  quite  large  but  almost  inaccessible  to  the  student  on 
account  of  the  faulty  system  of  orthography  employed.  Practically  all 
the  characters  of  the  English  alphabet  with  the  exception  of  v  and  w 
are  found,  and  in  addition,  many  superscript  characters,  characters 
crossed  by  others  and  by  lines,  besides  various  diacritical  marks  such 
as  asterisks,  crosses,  acute  and  grave  accents  and  subscript  accents, 
compounded  characters  and  other  similar  usages.  Comparison  shows 
that  no  uniformity  has  been  followed  in  the  orthography,  rendering 
the  work  quite  useless  for  one  unacquainted  with  the  language. 

Most  of  the  characters  naturally  have  the  approximate  value  of 
their  correspondents  in  Spanish  but  the  sounds  not  found  in  Spanish 
require  some  explanation. 

The  alveolar  stop  t  evidently  gave  Sitjar  his  greatest  trouble  and 
has  been  written  most  variantly  as  z,  c,  zp,  tz,  tzz,  tzp,  ts,  pc,  ch,  c 
crossed  by  a  line,  etc. 

The  fortis  stop  was  generally  expressed  by  an  asterisk  after  the 
vowel. 


122  University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 

The  alveolar  sibilant  c  was  written  as  x,  ch  or  z. 

The  dental  sibilant  s  is  found  as  s,  z,  ss,  zz,  etc. 

z  has  been  found  standing  for  t,  tzz  for  is,  x  for  is,  x  for  8,  etc. 

Most  of  the  other  phonetic  peculiarities,  such  as  qu  and  c  for  k, 
g  and  j  for  x,  ch  for  tc,  etc.,  are  explicable  by  the  ordinary  usages  of 
Spanish. 

An  initial  consonantal  cluster  is  generally  preceded  by  a  preposed 
vowel,  evidently  on  the  analogy  of  Spanish. 

On  the  whole  the  orthography  is  so  irregular  that  little  reliance 
can  be  placed  on  its  accuracy  unless  checked  up  by  modern  researches. 
When  this  is  done  it  is  seen  that  the  change  in  the  language  has  been 
very  slight  in  the  century  and  more  which  has  intervened  since  the 
completion  of  the  vocabulary. 

Sit  jar's  vocabulary  has  therefore  been  transcribed  to  phonetic 
characters  as  accurately  as  possible  following  the  evidence  presented 
in  cases  where  the  modern  form  has  been  preserved.  In  the  majority 
of  cases,  forms  taken  from  Sitjar  and  absent  in  the  modern  material 
are  accompanied  by  the  sign  (S). 

In  a  few  cases  of  possible  confusion,  forms  from  the  San  Miguel 
dialect  have  been  accompanied  by  the  sign  (M). 

The  lexical  forms  have  first  been  arranged  in  their  several  cate- 
gories as  nouns,  verbs  and  so  forth,  and  in  some  cases  further  sub- 
divided. They  have  then  been  arranged  in  several  columns  giving  the 
Antoniano  form,  the  Miguelefio  form,  the  plural  form,  which  unless 
specially  noted  is  from  the  Antoniano  dialect,  and  finally  the  meaning. 
In  these  columns  the  ordinary  alphabetic  order  has  been  followed  for 
convenience  in  consultation. 

In  very  many  cases,  due  to  a  lack  of  sufficient  forms  and  to  the 
presence  of  prefixes,  infixes  and  suffixes,  the  exact  form  has  been 
impossible  to  determine.  In  such  cases  the  doubtful  elements  are 
enclosed  within  parentheses.  In  the  case  of  verbal  stems,  those  occur- 
ring only  once,  and  for  this  reason  of  doubtful  accuracy,  are  preceded 
by  an  asterisk. 


ANIMALS 

Antoniano 

Migueleno 

Plural 

awa.'ten 

a-we-te" 

awa-'tneL 

cat' 

ca'knil 

cra'knil 

ca-xwe 

sa-xe 

ca-xten 

Meaning 

fly 

bullhead-fish 
Lewis  woodpecker 
bird 
ska'tata  cko-'tato  ground-owl,  gray  titmouse 


1918] 


Mason:  The  Language  of  the  Salinan  Indians 


123 


Antoniaiio 

Migueleno 

Plural 

Meaning 

ck'an 

ck'an' 

prairie-falcon 

cka-k' 

cka-k  ' 

ska.'k  'tenat 

crow 

ck'ot 

ck'ot 

sk  'o'teLet 

snake,  worm,  grub 

clot 

gull 

cmaiyi'k  ' 

abalone 

cukunui'  ' 

cokonoi" 

horned-owl 

cuwa'< 

cowa' 

cuwa"  NeL 

skunk 

cu-mk'o'm' 

camko"m 

cumk  'omona'neL 

squirrel 

cu'n'cun' 

small  ducks 

swan 

cwa'  'N 

cwa-ne't 

fish 

swakaka' 

cwa-kek  'a'  ' 

lizard 

e'ceee 

ee'cesi 

gopher 

emace' 

male  squirrel 

e-ts' 

pinacate 

etskutcha'ten 

tarantula-hawk 

tik'e" 

i'ke 

tik'eneL 

louse 

ilka't 

ilka't 

ant 

kalep  'a'n 

kelep  'a'n 

Mexican  bluebird 

l;ats'a-ne'L 

small  birds 

kalau 

blue-crested  jay 

kalwatcai' 

k'aluatc'a'i 

house-finch 

ka'lak' 

kalak' 

kalak'  ne'L 

goose,  crane 

kaca'p 

mosquito 

kacala' 

kaculo' 

grasshopper 

kiope'ts 

Lawrence  's  goldfinch 

k'cu'i 

kitcili'tna 

kingfisher 

klau'it 

band-tailed  pigeon 

kol' 

ICOL 

kolane'L 

hare 

kocai'ye 

tarantula 

k  'aiya'k' 

mountain-quail 

kiltau' 

k'elt'u" 

red  abalones 

la'kana 

spider 

La'ma 

gray  rabbit 

la" 

lap' 

raven 

lape' 

tarantula-hawk 

leat' 

helpa't' 

leat  'ten 

duck 

Ime'm' 

leme'  'm 

wasps,  bees 

le'ponta 

teal 

le'rporti 

le-'rpati 

Gambel's  sparrow 

Lk'a' 

helk  'a' 

elk  'ane'L 

coyote 

elk  'a'lekten 

loina' 

t'lai 

Canada  goose 

lowe'cat' 

small  antelope 

ma'kiL 

ma'kel 

rat 

map' 

map' 

map  'tenat 

rabbit 

map  'a-'nel 

masau'hal 

masau'wel 

eel 

matse'ko 

mats  'e'ko  ' 

chipmunk 

ma'ts  'we'l' 

humming  bird 

mu'i' 

mu'i  ' 

v 

antelope 

naivok  ' 

clams 

124 


University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 


Antoniano 

Migueleno 

Plural                     Meaning 

naka'k 

pocket-gopher 

note' 

young  antelope 

ac 

p'ac 

acte'n,                     elk 

astenat 

pela.'k-a' 

pala-'kok  ' 

California  woodpecker 

patalti 

two-pronged  buck 

pe-'lts'e 

humming  bird 

pete'ts 

ruby-crowned  wren 

pi'ukutc 

lark  finch 

p<  u'lxoi' 

sucker 

sam' 

snam 

wildcat 

santsn 

black  ant 

sapele' 

shrike 

sektaLkna 

one-pronged  buck 

senese 

stinking  ant 

septa'L 

unidentified   fish 

senkahl 

senk  'OL 

snake 

sepo 

doe 

selo-'i' 

mouse 

siata'nil 

swallow 

sit 

set' 

canon  finch 

sik 

red-headed   woodpecker 

sitaipin 

animal 

skalo' 

whippoorwill 

skele'le 

skele-'le 

sparrow-hawk 

ska-'u 

blue  crane 

sk'e-"n 

shellfish 

skaiya'  ' 

s  'kai'ya 

skaiyana'neL         raccoon 

sk  'almo'k  ' 

sk  'almok  ' 

sk  'almok  'oten       rat 

slipe'pe 

green-winged  teal 

smate-'xan 

quail 

smo'kat 

smo'ket 

bee 

srne-koi' 

smekoi' 

smekoiiten              rattlesnake 

smohel 

female  skunk 

smokok  'e' 

smokike' 

mole 

smie 

cat 

sai'yu 

snai 

saiyane'L               eagle 

sna-k 

sna'k 

kangaroo-rat,  tusa 

soko'ko 

soko'ko 

butterfly 

so'ha 

spotted  faun 

sopokan 

very  small  ant 

spe-k' 

spi-k' 

red-tailed  hawk 

sp'  oko'  ' 

burrowing  owl 

sto' 

sto' 

fox 

sumhe 

young  squirrel 

stamaka'la 

bat 

suhao'ye 

bat 

swe'ho 

swi-'yo 

black-shining  flycatcher 

swaa' 

male  coyote 

ta-lwa-'x 

crane 

ta'lmui 

worm 

1918] 


Mason:  The  Language  of  the  Salinan  Indians 


125 


Antoniano 

Migueleno 

Plural 

Meaning 

taka'la 

nuthatch 

ta'nukupel 

Lawrence  's  goldfinch 

tapte'L 

crane 

tena'k 

woodpecker 

tepee' 

male  antelope 

tosik' 

teci'k' 

ticik  'neL 

owl 

te.'u 

tewe' 

pelican 

tik'  mo" 

pigeon 

time'hai 

worm 

titc'k 

te  'tc  ' 

great  California  vulture 

t'  ma'cax 

badger 

t'G-'i 

seal 

t<  o-'io 

badger 

t'sne 

sea-otter 

t'a'i 

whale 

t'ai' 

tahi 

bluejay 

ta-yiL 

taiyeL  ' 

tayiLtena'x 

flea 

taitc  'a-'tak 

crab 

taJi-ye" 

serpent 

ta'  'muL 

t'  a  'muL 

ta'  'multenax 

puma 

taa" 

taa'  'p 

taatne'L 

deer 

tapilale 

bat 

ta-xwe'ne' 

t'  a-xwe'n  ' 

turtledove 

taxai'  ' 

t<  Axai'  ' 

taxai'yukten 

bear 

tawai 

taws' 

tawaiiten 

turtle 

tetiyau' 

t<  eteyau 

tetiyauuten 

salmon 

tike' 

t  'ike'  ' 

kingbird 

t'i-kola' 

small  frog 

tinele" 

serpent 

t'iope" 

grubs,   worms 

t'  oiyslo'  ' 

mountain  lizard 

tooloc 

to-lo'c 

toolecna'ner. 

gray  squirrel 

t<  o-'xo 

to-xo'  ' 

t'  o-'xolanel 

wolf 

tea 

tea 

curved-bill   thrush 

tca'la 

teal 

Brewer's  blackbird 

tc  'am  ' 

tc'a'Mi 

red-shafted    woodpecker 

tc'e.l' 

cricket 

tc'ele'u' 

bluejay 

tc  'e'mtcem 

bat 

tcik' 

tc'iktcik 

fishhawk 

tcpana'hi 

taau' 

caterpillar 

ts  'aike'  ' 

mottled  snake 

ts  V  'L 

yellow-bellied  woodpecker 

ts  'e't'  enek  ' 

owl 

ts'ope'n 

sopne't 

ts  'ope'nlax 

spider 

wakeno' 

red-winged   blackbird 

wa-'kit 

wa'kat  ' 

wakitten 

frog 

*wa'kot  't'  a'L 

wa'lwal  ' 

bullbat 

wa'tc 

watc' 

Oregon  bunting 

wau 

white  goose 

126 


University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 


Antoniano 

Higueleno 

Plural 

Meaning 

witcele'  ' 

wetcele'  ' 

bluejay,  bunting 

we-telo" 

martin 

we'tok 

woodpecker 

xaii'k 

mussel 

xalau'  ' 

crane 

xane'o 

ground  tit 

xakele' 

xapailo'  ' 

lizard 

atce'tc 

xatca'tc  ' 

yellow-billed   magpie 

xom 

xo-'  'mi 

roadrunner,  ground 

cuckoo 

ho'mlik' 

quail 

xopne'l 

xo-pNe'L 

red-headed  vulture 

xutc 

xutca-i 

xoste'n 

dog 

BODY  PAETS 

a-pela-'i 

amel 

finger,  toe 

a-'  'ak 

o-'p'ak 

axa-'k 

head 

aa'cx 

a  ex 

aasxaknel 

liver 

axwe'm 

axwenlax 

skin,  hide 

a-'u 

animal's  heart 

ca'lo 

shell  of  egg 

ca'MteL 

corpse 

cipainism 

sole 

cma-'i 

cheek 

ckV'il 

cukaiel 

lung 

cuke-'net 

coke'net' 

eye 

co'wat 

poison  of  snake 

co'wan 

cuwa'n 

calf  of  leg 

cu-la-'t',  so-lo 

sola^'xo 

testicles 

cpai'atak 

beard 

eiwi's 

spine 

e-'lek< 

elik 

elekne'l 

mouth 

e.'net' 

e'nenat 

xe'net 

nose 

e'ntat 

ear 

ecax 

aca'x 

ecaxneL 

feathers,  whiskers 

etala-k 

etalakneL 

antlers 

etca-i' 

ei'tc  'ai  ' 

etcaiila-'x 

neck 

ita'  '1 

e'taL 

shoulder 

epa-'l 

i'paL 

epa'ne'L 

tongue 

e-xiwai' 

e-xiwilai 

heart 

exoxo' 

ihoho' 

exoxa'lax 

brain 

exoten 

exotenax 

exas 

body 

ewa'la 

ewa'l 

fish  scales 

ets<  e'  'u 

its'  e'  'p 

ets<  e'wulax 

tail 

icaha-'l 

isxa-L 

urine 

icxe-'u 

icxe.'p 

icxepa-'l 

foot 

icxe"e,  icxe'xe' 

iexe-ple't 

icele'  ' 

i'cilip' 

isi'lewula'x 

nails 

1918] 


Mason:  The  Language  of  the  Salinan  Indians 


127 


Antoniano 

Migueleno 

Plural 

Meaning 

ico" 

icu" 

breast 

ickV'ol 

icok  'alet 

ear 

ikau'  ' 

ikau' 

body 

ika'n 

ika' 

belly 

ita-la'k' 

horn 

ita'c 

urine 

its  'a'lto  ' 

point  of  wing 

ihalte'ya 

saliva  . 

ka'ke  'It  'a 

testicles  of  animal 

kacwatni'lea 

ke'cxauL 

eyelash,  eyelid 

ke'o 

kelao 

knuckle 

ko/la'le' 

ko-'latLe' 

penis 

k'uwoke-'t* 

ko'naki't 

hair 

kuma'n 

belly  of  fish 

la'k'oi' 

la'k  'ai 

neck 

lamha't 

dung 

le-'wet' 

lips 

Lko/ik'  ten  ' 

lokoiyini' 

beard 

lo'kon 

lu'kana 

rump 

lo'taL 

palm 

ma'pok 

ma'puk' 

thigh 

mas 

pubic  hair 

mat' 

ma't< 

ma't'e'lak' 

meat,  flesh,  animal 

m,ata-'n 

mata'n 

matane'l 

limb 

me-'n 

me'nen 

mee'n 

hand 

eno"ol 

noL 

penis 

notapka'eo 

dung 

o'oi' 

trunk,  body 

uca't 

oca-'t 

ucate'l 

tears 

o'na'a'i' 

waist 

otewo'ts  'o  ' 

feather 

o'xot 

oxote'n 

testicles 

a.'kat' 

pa-'kata 

akat'  Ne'L 

blood 

akainai' 

pakenai' 

animal  's   womb 

a'katcanai 

paktaina  ' 

thumb,  big  toe 

p'  xat< 

p'xat 

p'  xa'teLet 

excrement,    intestines 

pa'telpai 

third  finger  or  toe 

axa-'k' 

paxa'k 

axa-kten 

bone 

axa-'kLet 

pa'mat 

carrion 

pena-'no 

pena'n 

milk 

pe-nik  'a-i 

throat 

oxwe'm  ' 

p'oxe'm' 

tendon,   ligament 

setilkai' 

ske'nluwe 

first  finger 

sie't' 

feather 

skan 

stomach 

aske't,  sw7t 

skaniltai, 

rib 

kane'lt  'o 

askwe't,  swot 

heel,   sole,    talons 

skoikne' 

sxkoi'  ' 

chin,  beard 

smo'kutu 

animal's  windpipe 

sni'pik 

bones  of  wing 

128 


University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 


Antoniafto 

Migueleno 

Plural                     Meaning 

so'non 

sa'nau 

leg 

sa'tik 

soti'k 

elbow 

sa.'nat' 

spa'nat 

skin,  hide 

se'kel 

spe'keL 

eyebrow 

spoke't 

spoke't 

fur,  haii- 

spuk 

muscle 

suluknai' 

tooth 

taknat 

takna't 

sweat 

tamai 

third  toe 

fan 

animal's  tongue 

te-rwa'k 

second  toe 

titaka'L 

te4ek'  EneL 

egg 

tema'i 

bird  's   entrails 

te'rk 

tie'k 

animal's  gall 

teteka'i 

tete'ka 

animal's  joint 

tetse'lei 

titsele'l 

rattles  of  snake 

tikai'e 

bird's  crest 

tilta'l 

breast  of  fish 

titertikup 

knuckle 

tito'k 

second  finger 

titc  V  'mo  ' 

ti'tcV'm 

back 

titcai 

wrist 

toho'l 

to'hul 

lung,  gizzard 

tolola'i 

animal  's   windpipe 

tulalna'i 

bird's  crest 

ta-L 

ta-xL 

forehead 

ta-t 

t'aL 

skin,  hide,  flesh 

t'e'pen 

t  'e'pen 

tepenla'x                belly 

t'ka'ten 

t'ka'tna-x              buttocks,  anus 

to'poi 

t'  o'p'  oi 

topoiilax                 knee 

t  Vpuk 

t  'ne'puk' 

topokLe't                 arm,  wing 

t  'caknel                  gills 

tce'nya 

glans  penis 

tcokelti'nai 

ankle 

uca-t' 

lips 

ule.'t< 

oi'Lit 

le-'het                     teeth 

u- 

u- 

face 

uprent 

upe'nt 

fat 

xapi'cucwe-t 

navel 

awu'  'L 


ayexte'ya 
ca'l 
ck  'ua' 


ca'tala 


atLo-'s 
awuL ' 


BOTANICAL  TEEMS 


axone'L 
ayextel  'i'ya 
ca'ltine 


wild  oats 

bark 

tule 

seed 

bud 

quijara  de  pala 

large  soap-root 

clover 

brush 


1918] 


Mason:  The  Language  of  the  Salinan  Indians 


129 


Antoniano 

Migueleno                Plural 

Meaning 

ctan' 

stanane'L 

leaf 

elpo'no 

blackberries 

he-Lka" 

wild  seeds 

k'a-t' 

kat                            k  'atsane'l 

hay,  grass 

k  'a-'ciL 

sunflower 

k  'a'mta' 

tule 

k'a' 

kap'                         ka'te'L 

acorn 

ka'pitc  ' 

small  young  oaks 

k'e 

k'e 

large  pine  nut 

k  'e-'ciapowat 

fern  root 

k  'eso'i  ' 

tuna 

ketipui 

ketipoilax 

cedar 

ko  'iyi 

root 

k  'olopopo' 

melon 

k  'ona.'ka 

bulb,  wild  potato 

kotc  'e'L 

cacomite 

ku'katak 

forest 

makawi'  ' 

makewe'                   makawili'  ' 

flower 

matai'  'YI 

milkweed 

mo-noi"Yl 

toloaehe 

mopa'k' 

laurel 

mucuelit 

ivy 

o.pis 

wild  grape 

pa'siL 

pa'siL 

chia 

p  'a'pex 

post  oak 

at' 

p'a-"t                       atne'L 

white  oak 

*p  'at'  ne'lat 

pat'  ax 

pat'  a'k                      pat'  axten 

manzanita 

askle't 

paxa'kiL 

live  oak 

poca" 

buckeye 

pesxe't 

willow 

petL 

grass 

peyexte'to  ' 

seedlings 

powa'tka 

seaweed 

pamputen 

fruit 

tenpute's 

fruit 

saxe't 

mescal 

seneste'L 

alfilerillos 

smat 

brush 

smo' 

acorn 

smo'kumeL 

clover 

sxau'wit' 

acorn 

tana't 

seeds 

tana'st 

wicker 

tate' 

grains 

tetai' 

small  soap-root 

teta'p'  ko-L 

elderberries 

tepa's 

tepa'so 

root 

t'  io'i 

oak 

t'i'pi' 

acorn 

t'Ma 

mescal 

130 


University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 


Antoniano 

Migueleiio 

Plural 

Meaning 

t'  ema's 

grass 

tema-'L 

milkweed 

t'  onawa'  ' 

grass  for  baskets 

toipen 

gooseberries 

taiya'c 

flower  of  mescal 

ta.'ka'at' 

ta-'kata 

tak'ane'L 

wood 

tala'  'M 

toela'm 

tobacco 

to'pin 

tamoina'co 

stump  of  tree 

tata 

ta/t'o' 

fruit 

tepasteN 

root 

tetaco 

tita'cu 

juice 

t<0< 

t<0< 

totene'l 

pine  nuts 

toki 

brush 

tc  'e.'lak 

barsalillo 

fceV 

pine 

tc'  o'Le 

wood  for  pipe 

ts  'eta'kiL 

chuckberries 

xa'ke 

spine 

xo'le 

acorn 

hasliT 

live  oak 

ha'siL 

acorn 

MANUFACTUEED    OBJECTS 

ai'ye< 

wooden  pestle 

a'cime 

a'cime 

paper,  book 

a'ne-n 

pillow 

taaneka 

apenik 

necklace 

aso'L 

cord,  line,  string 

alokoni'ya 

alokotini'ya 

oven 

eenome'  ' 

comb 

(t)eik< 

tca-k 

tca-k'  CL 

knife 

cenii' 

cik'  Enai' 

fish-spear 

cla< 

cla' 

cla  'at 

coil  basket 

clemiy  'a 

ele-mi-' 

coat 

co'pa 

needle 

cotols' 

feather  headdress 

e'tapalepi 

breech-cloth 

(t)a'in,  (t)e-m 

(t')a-M 

tama-'neL 

house 

ta-ma-ten 

ta'Tna-tenax 

ta-ma-niLax 

tamaNiLten 

elkai'tingey  'a 

door 

(t)e'tak 

(t)eta'xk 

awl 

ek'es 

blanket 

et  'oi  'yiN  ' 

et  'eyini'  ' 

et  'eyitinai' 

arrow 

icemet 

bed 

ioko'c 

breech-cloth 

itxau' 

cane 

kanelt'  &' 

storage-basket 

k  'ualane'l 

kanelt'  &' 

jewelry 

1918] 


Mason:  The  Language  of  the  Salinan  Indians 


131 


Antoniano 

Migueleno                Plural 

Meaning 

keluktu'xne 

keluktuxtine 

prison 

kitpe'lel 

paint 

kitpekle'y  'a 

ligature 

k'enin 

k'one" 

acorn-bread 

kua.p' 

k'uwap' 

sweat-house 

laha'm 

laxa'M 

door 

lemi',  lime'N 

rabbit-skin  blanket 

moxweto 

sack,  bag 

mawe'ya' 

net-sinker 

mosiwe' 

fish-pole 

asi'l 

na'siL 

acorn  atole 

client 

whiskey 

o'nus 

o-ni'su' 

skirt 

oxwa't 

moccasins 

ame'ya 

pana'me 

quiver 

payosne'  ' 

whistle 

pane',  p'on'E 

pestle 

pape'ye 

beads 

paxuwe' 

bow 

pasuwe'r 

doll 

p  VtaL 

carrying-basket 

peu." 

bones  for  game 

pili 

pe'Li 

pil 

umawi'  ' 

pomnawo'  !b 

arrow-straightener 

salinhe'ya 

fish-net 

sa-ma'k' 

winnowing-tray 

sap'  k'  a'ts  ' 

seed-granary 

sas 

acorn-meal 

sekeuetni'a 

olla,  pot 

setami'ya 

cap 

sikara'na 

clothes 

ska'pe,  sk  'a'pe' 

tray,  cooking-basket 

sone'y  'a 

snuff 

sokai'kis 

su-kaikis 

floor 

spok  'ai'xa  'a 

drinking-cup 

t5  a'iL 

trap 

ta'tukat 

meal  of  seeds 

teca" 

basket 

tecoino' 

basket-game 

tokausno'  'o 

small  pots 

tski'wi 

bed 

t<  e'ltoL 

hunting-net 

t  'enika'ntec 

bridge 

taple'ya 

t'  eneple'  ' 

fire-sticks 

ti'cxa' 

money 

te'penca 

tipintea 

whiskey 

tet  'amnai 

tet  'aut  'one'  ' 

rattles 

ticxlele' 

doll 

t'kamatr 

shallow  grave 

t'aa'k 

handle 

t<  a'uun,  t<  o-'nt 

t'an9 

pipe 

132 


University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  EtJin.     [Vol.  14 


Antoniano 

Migueleno 

Plural 

Meaning 

taua't 

bar,  drill 

tau'usi.'a' 

bed 

tayu'wic 

well 

teme' 

temele'u 

instrument 

to-na'L 

seed-beater 

lopai 

fish-basket 

topo's 

twined-basket 

t<  xo'l 

t<  OXO'L 

mortar 

to'wi  'i 

tuwipe' 

towiyili'' 

raft,  boat 

tc'aname" 

baby-carrier 

tcelela'o 

leggings 

tc'oxo'k 

cocoon-rattle 

tcu'leye 

isley 

tcueyke'  'ya 

trap 

tsa'ta 

blanket 

tse'uto 

arrow-point 

ts  'wa'keti'  ' 

ts'wa-ke-te" 

ts'wa-ketili" 

hat 

wumetamu' 

wall 

xak'e'i',  xak' 

xak  'CL 

bow 

xak  'ten 

xrt'nis 

xe'nes 

beads 

NATUEAL 

PHENOMENA 

aiyate'ya 

garden 

asak  'a 

asak  'te'nat 

flint 

(t)ca',  tc'a' 

1/ea',t'ca',te'xa' 

water 

capawe' 

tide 

ck'eM 

sea,  ocean 

ckoN 

ckonane'l 

glade,  cave 

co-'k'a' 

so'k  'a 

co'ka  'at^N 

river,  brook 

co'kEte'nat 

co'xwaL 

red  stone 

cotalai' 

c  'pa'talai 

limestone 

(t)cxo' 

cxo' 

(t)cxo-neL 

earth,  ground 

(t)cxa' 

cxap 

(t)ca'paNeL 

stone,  pebble,  rock 

euy 

fire  carried 

icxai 

esxai 

morning,  day 

iki-n 

tike'n 

iki-nil 

nest 

ilpoi 

lake 

iotilak 

yetewe 

iotNela-'k' 

earthquake 

kaiya'ma 

white  clam-shells 

kapili'nsa 

tide 

ke  'eune'L 

k  'a  'une'L 

hail 

ka'we 

sun,  heat 

ket'Me'l' 

lump,  ball 

ket  'poi'< 

hill 

ke'yix 

forest 

k'ci-'kat'i' 

k'  ci.'k  'et'  yi 

slope 

k'co-'luxne 

calaknai' 

k'co-'luktene 

hole,  cave,  hollow 

kutat  ' 

buckskin 

lak' 

la-k' 

country,  land 

1918] 


Mason:  The  Language  of  the  Salinan  Indians 


133 


Antoniano 

Migueleno 

Plural 

Meaning 

leia' 

lap  V  ' 

wave,  sea 

le'ma 

Lem 

sky 

Lo"to' 

clay 

loiyam 

mountain 

lu'a,  lu'ea 

luaten,  lueaten 

path,  trail 

macala'k 

macila'k 

morning  star 

macita'ma 

shade,  shadow 

moce" 

moce' 

mucale' 

charcoal,  flames 

moc  'o-'no 

mound,  hill 

na' 

na' 

sun 

pa-'i-  ' 

pa-'y  ' 

cloud 

saiya'  'N 

saiya'pa  ' 

rainbow 

smak' 

smak' 

asphaltum,  tar 

sma'k'  ai 

cma'k*  a-'i 

sma'kaiyateL 

night 

sokanto 

lightning 

spe'het 

soot 

ta'pit 

ta'pnit 

storm 

telukutca' 

spring  of  water 

t'en 

prairie 

t<  ila-'xten 

rancho,  farm 

tukalalo'pi-cte' 

garden 

t'  uLne 

bill 

ta'a'u' 

t'a'a'u5 

ta  'a'uneL 

fire 

ta-kai'  ' 

takai' 

salt 

ta-ke'  ' 

take'  ' 

road 

tcayi'ya 

tapaiye' 

dust 

ta'te-t 

tatet' 

smoke 

tatsuwa'n 

tatcwa-'niL 

stars 

tatcwa-'niLten 

tats'o/opi' 

tats  'o/pe  ' 

moon 

te.le'k' 

*te-'lik'  t^n 

holes,  caves 

t'e'lowa' 

t  'e'Lxo  ' 

t  'eluwa  'NCL 

thunder 

t  'elowile 

toko'i 

t<i.k<o"Yi 

whirlwind 

ta'a'i 

tapai',  top'ai' 

ashes 

tpoi,  tpo-1,  tso'la 

t'op'  o'iya 

*t  'opo'iyela  ' 

mountain 

t-  o-'poiyip 

Pleiades 

tc  'ewuni'  ' 

tc  'anone'  ' 

light  of  day 

tc  'umye'L 

teo-mia'L 

tcumiane'L 

ice 

ts  'a-kai' 

ts  'a-kai" 

ts  'akaite'nat 

wind 

ts  'ahe-'L 

ts  'ahe'L 

ts  'axaneL 

snow 

ts  'ensiL 

tsi'ntsin 

sand 

ts  'opo' 

sa'pa 

ts'oponeL 

fog,  frost 

emk  'we'L 

umk  'we'L 

world 

xaipke'ya 

escarbason 

PERSONAL  TERMS 

ama'  ' 

ama" 

paternal  grandfather 

ane'wu 

aneij' 

grandmother 

apai'  ' 

apa'i 

mother 

ape-'u' 

brother 

134 


University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.-     [Vol.  14 


Antoniano 

Migueleno 

Plural 

Meaning 

sa-k 

asa-'k' 

uncle,  mother  's  elder 

brother 

apa'c 

father's  younger  sister 

a'teloi,  aya.oi 

aya.eloi 

companion 

atu'kai 

lord,   senor 

a'xomo 

foster  father 

epeselet 

epesele'lmet 

enemy 

e'pex 

exo',  e'pex 

mother 

e'sxa 

tomasa'xo 

*te'msoxten 

cousin,   younger   sister  's 

child    (nephew) 

e'xwat 

oxwa't' 

mother-in-law 

iko'lu-ne' 

fool 

i'la 

friend 

inexa' 

inelkxa 

relation 

ienxe' 

parent 

insaka' 

insakte'n 

godson,  adopted  son 

ito'l 

itolane'l 

brother 

kact  'elmak' 

hact  'elmilok 

talker 

ka-i 

ka-iyo'  ' 

elder  brother 

kano'dile 

trader 

k<  e'nca-niL 

God 

ket  'ne' 

white   people 

keue'aca' 

uncle 

k'weL 

people 

la 

laN 

husband 

lemikela't 

lamek'  nela-T 

Coast  Indians 

La'pae 

father's  elder  brother 

lets'e" 

lene'  ' 

lee'tsen 

woman 

lu-wa'  ' 

lu-wai' 

*luaya'to 

male,  man 

mace'l 

great-grandchild 

mone" 

mother's  younger  brother 

or  sister 

nene'  ' 

nene" 

grandparents 

nunenxa-yo 

congregation 

pas 

father's  elder  sister 

pe' 

pepe' 

elder  sister 

as 

pa'so',  p'a'so 

*pa'seii 

child,  son 

ek< 

pexk 

ekxe'l 

father 

se 

SCN 

se-ts'e'n 

wife 

see'l 

girls 

sepxa-' 

child 

setilka'i 

great-great-grandchild 

ska'ata" 

sk  'ata'ten 

infant 

sk'amaxa  n' 

elf,  dwarf 

sna'tpeteko' 

little  girl 

sotopen 

pet,  guardian 

ste-xa'  ' 

se-mta'N 

boy 

*sme-'ten 

stau",  ctou-" 

su'kumku 

skunta-'m 

girl,  maiden 

ta'iyaL 

tema'k 

grandchild 

takacau' 

tekica' 

twins 

1918] 


Mason:  The  Language  of  the  Salinan  Indians 


135 


Antoniano 

Migueleno 

Plural 

Meaning 

ta' 

okV 

father's  younger  brother 

ta'kin 

ta'ken 

k'ta-'nta 

shaman 

ta-k 

te'nak 

child  of  elder  brother 

ta'leu 

brother-in-law 

hta-ma" 

ta-m 

tarn  'a'ten 

man 

te-le" 

tata' 

father 

te'pacek 

child  of  younger  brother 

te'takwa 

slave 

tica"au,  ti'co 

daughter 

t<  icke'M 

t'ickema'L 

Tularenos 

tienkha 

tie'neLxa 

friend,  family 

timta'L 

elder  brother's  wife 

timu'yo 

congregation 

t'ON 

t'on 

younger  sister 

tos,  t'o-s 

tos 

t  'o'sen 

younger  brother 

tuke'wi 

te'mai  ' 

daughter-in-law 

tutai'yucap 

blacksmith 

taxate'y  'a 

gathering  of  Indians 

t'ela-t'Nel 

brothers 

te'leM 

t'e-le'm' 

son-in-law 

t'o-'wat',  teho't 

tepo-"t' 

t'u-t'a-'L 

Indians,  natives 

*tipota'ha-L 

*tepot'ha'lap' 

tinaihi,  titcon 

titco'nel 

enemy 

t<  o'xo-ke 

murderer 

tcaiya'  ' 

tena'iyaL 

grandchild 

celte'  ' 

tc'  ene'  ' 

slee'ten 

old  woman 

*tci'nten 

steluwa'  ' 

tcilwai'Yi 

steluwi'  ' 

old  man 

t<  sa-'iniya 

former  wife 

wa't'  nak 

nephew 

xa.la'  ',   axala'u 

xala-' 

maternal  grandfather 

hapti' 

widower 

hensi' 

trader,  peddler 

he'uwukultcaguLastel 

interpreter 

ABSTEACT  AND 

MISCELLANEOUS  TEEMS 

ani'ya  ' 

liberality 

ats 

a'tsten 

booty 

atceco' 

health 

a'xa-ti'  ' 

music 

t'  ica-'kai 

ca-l 

*t<  ica'xal 

dream,  revelation, 

amulet,  luck 

cele' 

north  wind 

exomck  'i'  ' 

favor 

e/ke' 

direction,  journey 

elka-'p 

- 

autumn 

elpa'L,    LpaL 

spring,     (summer,     har- 

vest) 

e'nex 

bead  measure 

e'  'envi' 

necessity 

136 


University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 


Antoniano 

Migueleno 

Plural                     Meaning 

e'u 

pain,   inconvenience 

ickonmitce'y  'a 

love-sickness 

iewutcni'y'a 

temptation 

line' 

summer 

itomu'i  ' 

magic  wand,  revelation 

kai'e 

kayte                       carriage,  bringing 

kane'a 

kane' 

cold,  influenza 

k  'aitupke'y  'a 

k  'a'itupkele'ya      disenterring 

kauo'mtop 

year 

ka-'keL 

ka-'kel 

ka-'keltenax          song 

ka'u 

custom 

k  'ane'nxa 

thing   above 

kemi'li 

amulet 

ke'o 

place,  locality 

ketpa-'t 

snake-bite 

k  'ewe'L 

k  VWCL 

north,  (west) 

kitse'na 

reflection 

kla'mta, 

kalam 

sore,  scar 

klamte'ya 

konetco 

place 

ko-'nxa' 

poknoyaluna' 

afternoon,  evening 

koto'sna' 

koto'stena              noise 

kato,  coto 

place 

kwa'lwai 

swelling,  inflammation 

k'wa'l 

season 

kwa'l 

*k  'olciyip                 thing 

la-e'y'a 

pity,  compassion 

la-'mka 

la-'mka 

west,    on    coast,    (south, 

north) 

le-ta'na' 

leta'kna 

noon 

le-c 

lee 

east,   (north,  south) 

lice' 

lice'  ' 

elci'taneL               year,  winter 

lo'le1 

women  's  dance 

mano 

place,  position 

me'seamtca' 

west  wind 

metsiliu 

perforation 

na'  'xo 

quarter,  cardinal  point 

nek 

proposition 

nowa-na'  ' 

nowana'p  ' 

morning 

oa'ik 

ablution 

p<  a-'nlo 

p'xa-'nol 

south,  (east) 

paxat  ' 

dance 

pok 

sickness 

p  'e'nap  'e  ' 

fiesta,  celebration 

p<  Le-'to 

pieces,  bits 

sawine' 

dance 

sewananhai 

health 

skael 

skwa'l 

scar,  cut 

sokani'ya 

vision 

ta'kat 

takelet,  talakat    work,  trade 

ta'LxwaLnai' 

work 

1918] 


Mason:  The  Language  of  the  Salinan  Indians 


137 


Antoniano 

Migueleno                Plural 

Meaning 

taka' 

gift 

tauiye' 

fever 

tawa't 

east  wind 

ten.a-'so 

happening 

tesene'o 

sickness 

tewia't 

tewililiat 

promise 

tiat<  aula  ' 

wound 

tipin,  tipni'ya 

pain 

V  ica-'kai 

sleep 

timni'y  'a 

sickness 

titaku 

northwest 

tehoni' 

tihoni' 

medicine 

toye'm 

cause 

tu'o 

composition, 

manner 

tewa'cyu 

first  half  of 

moon 

t'a'kai' 

pieces,  bits 

tatil 

cold 

tekeko 

summit 

tinai'o 

flight 

to-'kena' 

to-'kan                      to'kena-teL 

day 

tokne' 

smallpox 

tuxtine 

hells 

tcaka 

tcakoi 

time 

tcinimakwe' 

lie 

tcap 

sickness 

tce'e'y'a 

mark,  sign 

tsip 

tsipe'ti 

pomp 

tsoke' 

battle 

wate' 

law 

pia,  hia 

half  of  cardinal  point 

xapa'tco 

division 

xiwe'i 

men's  dance 

xolowes 

diarrhoea 

xomu'nilit 

sins 

xo'tapleta^na 

xotapluleta'pna 

afternoon 

xuiwai' 

xuyiliwai' 

soul,  memory 

,  thought 

VERBAL  STEMS 


(k)a' 

ka,  a' 

&•,  (k)a-n, 

(S) 

(k)a'h'a 

a'cik'mek 

a'cek 

a'ceP 

a'ciL 

acame 

(S) 

aik  'nop 

(S) 

aiktinop 

ai'tim 

(S) 

aitilme' 

(S) 

aitilta'k 

(ke')a'yomic 

(S) 

(ke')ayc 

say,  decide,  permit 
conceive   (animal) 

hit  by  shooting 

sit,  seat,    (test,  try) 

write 

be  tired,  faint 

enclose 

divide,  distribute 


138 


University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 


Antoniano 

Migueleno 

Plural 

Meaning 

ai(k), 

(S) 

ayi'lik 

defend,   protect,   retain 

ait  (em) 

(S) 

aitil(me),    ayilit 

guard,  defend,  intercede 

a'yom 

(S) 

a  'ylom,    ayomil 

hinder,  defend 

akca' 

akcela' 

be  thirsty 

*(k)ake'l' 

hung,  be  hung 

a^'ke'n 

a-ki'nyi  ' 

a-'ke'n 

think 

a-'le'l(k) 

a-'le'lt(k) 

ask,  inquire 

aJe,  'alo-m 

ale(k) 

alilo-m,    alele 

teach,  learn 

aleknox 

(S) 

enter,  introduce 

(m)ale'n 

(S) 

unite,  combine 

a-lx 

a-'liyax,   a-'lile 

desire,  love,  want 

alsa-'L 

alsa-'l(o) 

alsa-'ltenex    (M)  pray  (Sp.  rezar?) 

amalek 

(S) 

amolek 

give  alms,  assist 

(p)ama-t' 

(p)ema-'t 

(p)amat'el 

chase,  expel 

a'menep 

(S) 

defecate 

amaitila' 

(S) 

amaitiltina' 

reconcile,  make  peace 

'a'mes 

a'mas 

a'mesiL 

shout,  cry,  yell 

a'male 

(S) 

gather  food 

a-mt'  e 

o'mti' 

a-'mt'  ele 

hunt 

amettine   (S) 

araitci 

(S) 

amitcinmak 

lie,  tell  untruth 

amauc    (S) 

a-mo'e 

amaulic 

guard,  preserve 

amaucelte 

amaueelayo 

ama 

amo" 

ama 

eat,  suck  gruel 

a-m(k) 

a'mk 

a-mkNe'  'Ik 

be  able,  can,  kill 

a^mt  'elik 

a-mxot'e 

a-m(p) 

a-'menep 

a-melep 

arise,  leave 

a-mamp 

amant  'ap 

extract,  withdraw 

a'nat(ax) 

leave  free 

a'nem 

(S) 

a'netem 

remain 

anemt(ak) 

(S) 

ane'mtilt(ak) 

pardon 

*(p)ani'k<o' 

give 

'(ra)a"n 

pass,  enter 

*(k)a'nata 

pound,  pulverize 

(k)apale' 

(S) 

place  in  line 

t(P)apa.'1 

copulate 

(a)pak'a 

(S) 

close  (door) 

a'pa-t 

roast,  tatemar 

(a)pamak'e 

(8) 

love 

(a)pa-uye' 

CaVpa-u 

overtake,  catch 

(a)  pane' 

(S) 

apatene 

kiss 

(k)a'p'axtenop 

smash,  shatter 

(a)pena'x 

(S) 

(a)penilax 

receive 

(a)p<ene"(k) 

apeinatile(k) 

fill,  cover  with  water 

a'peL,  ep'eL 

a'pel,  epeL 

ep'  ena-teL 

fill 

apokop    (S) 

(t)o'pokap 

apeknelop 

be  well,  cure 

apoi'lek 

(S) 

gather,  collect 

'a'se 

bear,  give  birth 

a'si(k) 

(S) 

reserve,  guard 

1918] 


Mason:  The  Language  of  the  Salinan  Indians 


139 


Antoniano 

Migueleno 

Plural 

Meaning 

a-'se 

as 

a-'sile 

name,  call 

(p)astcene"-(k) 

beg,  prohibit 

*a-'su,   (m)as 

think 

*(p)ata'lok<e' 

lassoo 

a'tanop 

ot  'oinop 

rise,  jump 

(k)atn,(k)atipn 

> 

(k)a'tap'nehe' 

hurt,  torment,  oblige 

(k)atce  (S) 

(k)aten 

rob,  steal 

a't'unk'a-x, 

stick,  fasten 

atno'x 

atepnek 

(S) 

speak  rapidly 

ate  'a-uwi  ' 

ate  'a-uli  ' 

meet,  encounter 

(m)atcakat 

(S) 

be  outside 

atce'weltek  (S) 

be  cast,  stretched 

ateixtei(n) 

18) 

beg 

atsintca 

(S) 

atsintcela 

anoint 

*atsatak 

(S) 

cook,  make  food 

autce,  otee 

(S) 

autcele 

aid,  assist 

a-x 

ax 

a'yax 

place,  put,  seat 

a'xai 

a'xa-iyot  (M) 

fear,  be  afraid 

(p)axaya'u 

(S) 

separate,  divide 

*(k)a'xa-nla' 

shout 

a'xap,   axa-'ta 

climb,  rise 

a'xap 

ci'xaptep 

a'xatep 

die 

*a.'xat  'a 

touch 

axatcnap 

e'xtc  'nop 

split,  part 

*(k)a'xk<o' 

be  careful 

(p)axo.'t 

axoten 

hunt  burrowing  animals 

axotot 

axo'nilet 

axt  'elik 

insert,  pour,  fasten 

"(m)a'we-'xe, 

stand  firm,  resist 

exwe   (S) 

au'we,  a'wen 

aewetenelo  (S) 

prepare,  approach 

awi 

be  hot,  heat 

C 

ca-ke'  'n 

point,  aim 

ca-'moc(k) 

salute,  greet 

cumwel,  camle' 

samal 

be  blind 

cap' 

cap 

extinguish,  put  out 

ca-wena-ni 

dance   (ceremonial?) 

*ca-xa'ta' 

open  mouth 

ce/pa  'lo< 

ce-'p'etep<    (M) 

be  afraid,  fear 

cetene 

(S) 

cetenele 

bud,  sprout,  bear  leaves 

ce'tep 

ci'tip 

ce'tLip 

die 

ce'wili  ' 

ce'wilt'  e 

lie  down 

(i)cko' 

(i)eko 

ckol 

be,  be  there 

*cme-  'L 

beat,  strike 

*co-ka' 

tear,  split 

co-'ke"not 

cukintile    (S) 

open  eyes,  awake 

140 


University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 


Antoniano 

co-'lukne 

co'me(n) 

co'k  'a  'iyik 

CO-'UL 

co'une,  cu-'ne' 

(i)cxa'lo' 


Migueleno 


CO-L 

co-n' 
cxa'lo 


Plural 


cukai'yel   (M) 

cu-na'tilt 
sxa'lho 


Meaning 

go  through  hole 

haul,  drag,  stretch,  creep 

kick,  trample 

climb,  chase  up 

kindle,  light 

be  afraid,  frighten 


E 


*(p)ece-"u 

defeat,  gain 

e'ck  'waL 

cut,  saw,  hit 

eck  'op 

(S) 

sew 

*eiha'na 

(S) 

give 

(p)eya'nekx 

(8) 

(p)eyalenkx 

visit 

*(p)eine 

(S) 

sting,  pick,  bite 

*eipastas 

(S) 

arrive,  overtake 

he'k'a' 

tell,  say 

eka,  ika' 

be,  exist,  be  there 

*ekatop< 

go  outside 

ekona',  ako'ne 

(S) 

add  water 

(k)ela'utptila.'pek  (S) 

(k)elautptilila-'pek 

be  cut 

e-1' 

go  ahead 

eleknox 

(S) 

conceive 

elut  'na'pek 

pray 

(e)ma.'t< 

kill 

emek 

(S) 

make  cross 

e'na-i 

enai 

wound,  oblige 

ena-ni'  ' 

observe,  look  around 

*€•  'nek 

decide,  say 

*(t)enk'itox 

(S) 

season,  make  spicy 

(k)ecna'    (S) 

(k)eno'l 

sweat 

eoni 

onile 

give  medicine 

epe'nxo 

epe'nox 

swallow,  gulp 

ept'a" 

ept  'a' 

a-pt'e'la' 

be  cold 

(e)pt'en 

(ke)pt'enil 

scratch,  wound 

epts  'e  'n 

epts'enla' 

sting,  bite 

ep'  tc<  o-'p' 

optc  'ep 

become  tired,  tire 

ese'l 

(S) 

esele'l 

impede,  obstruct 

espolo'x 

catch,   seize 

eta" 

eta 

make 

etak  'a' 

etak  'a' 

etakLi 

call,  shout 

etatjnla 

say,  be  said 

et  'eyine' 

et  'ene' 

et  'eyitine' 

shoot  with  arrow 

*(p)ete-le" 

see 

etxau' 

etxau  ' 

etxautilau' 

have,  possess 

(e)t'a-'k 

tie,  bind 

•(p)etot' 

spear 

et'e-k 

et'a'kox 

at'ek 

stand,  remain,  halt 

*e-tc  'o'i 

suck 

*etco'ka' 

be  quiet 

(k)e'we4s'na 

(k)  e'wets  'its  'tena' 

cry,  scream 

1918] 


Mason:  The  Language  of  the  Salinan  Indians 


141 


Antoniano 

Migueleno 

Plural 

Meaning 

ewia'mic 

(S) 

ewila'mic 

presume 

ewiate 

(S) 

ewiliate 

do  right,  not  to  sin 

*e'het'§-i7xa' 

fly  around 

exoyuem 

(S) 

exoyuem 

think 

e'xwaL 

oxwete-le 

grind,  pound,  hit 

I 

ia,  ie 

ia,  ie 

ial 

go 

ia-'tek 

ia-'tek 

ia-'tlek 

send 

iam,  iem 

ia-m 

iema-lt'e' 

see 

iamaNeLk 

iem'6 

ium 

know 

iemat 

(S) 

iematil 

show 

ia.'k 

guard 

*(k)i'au 

(S) 

take,  extract 

iau(k) 

(S) 

do 

*ia'utc 

(S) 

touch,  tickle 

iax,  iex 

iax,    iex 

iaxteL 

come 

ica-k 

ica 

ica-kai' 

go,  walk,  wander 

icx 

icx 

ecxot 

eat 

(i)cepix 

pretend 

(ki)c(a)k'e-le' 

roll,  revolve 

(ke)ck'a'lax 

'icxai  ' 

'ecxai' 

'ecxai'yaL 

dawn,  arise  at  dawn 

icim 

ictem,  ostem 

drink 

icko'ne 

(S) 

be  cruel 

icno'mic 

i'cnomadc 

icno'ma-ic  (M) 

believe 

(t)ico-'p 

(t)i'cro'p 

determine,  find  out 

*(t)icpa"n 

remove,  cut   (grass) 

*  iema-ni  'k 

(S) 

begin,  commence 

ienk 

contain 

ie'nto 

ie'nt'xo 

approach,   overtake 

iete 

(S) 

be  sent 

(k)iewilte' 

(S) 

argue,  quarrel 

(t<)ika"wu 

do  customarily 

iak'owe    (S) 

(k)i'k'ate- 

fight,  battle 

ilik 

(S) 

laugh 

*(m)ilyo-ta 

pay  attention  to 

(il)k'elpa, 

Lk  'elt'  epa 

return,  turn  around 

k'et'p'a 

elk  'ile-'nxa  ' 

return,  turn  around 

ekele'ntxo, 

return,  turn  around 

ikile'nxa 

ilk  'ita 

ik  'e/so  ' 

cover  over 

*imanila'  (S) 

visit 

imxoya-k 

iraxoue'le   (S) 

await,  wait,  rest 

ineitil 

(S) 

contradict,  reject 

inemil 

(S) 

inemilte' 

endanger,  lack 

iyo'hun 

bark,  cry 

(a)yo'p(ik) 

yop'L(ik) 

stake,  implant 

142 


University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 


Antoniano 

Migueleno 

Plural 

Meaning 

io'tsp 

(S) 

fornicate 

ioxt 

(S) 

stir 

ise.'na' 

isi'tina 

be  ill,   sick 

isol 

be  compassionate 

isxa-'teL 

urinate 

*(k)ite.'mna 

sound 

*(k)itpetmak 

(S) 

bite,  chew 

itca',  Itc  'a', 

etc  'e- 

i'  'tciL 

halt,    stop,    straighten 

ica-,  itcu 

lift,  rise,  surpass 

*(k)itca 

prepare 

itco'mnox 

ctcumtonox 

fall,  fell 

itc  'okmai 

(S) 

speak  proudly 

itc,  ic,  exe' 

(S) 

iceL 

hate 

*(k)itcu'mtilai(k) 

(S) 

lie,  mistake 

i'tse 

(S) 

introduce,  enter 

(k)itsipex 

(S) 

vaporize 

i.'ts  'omyac 

love,  like 

itsoye' 

(S) 

lift  up  high 

itsi 

(S) 

break  wind 

itspaka 

(S) 

itspakayile 

join 

*iwa'nmak 

(S) 

amuse,  divert 

iyi 

end,  finish 

*(k)i'yit'iL 

fight,  battle 

i'  'yo-te  ' 

yi'te' 

io't'Ne 

shake,  move 

*(k)ixa'ya 

(S) 

be  angry,  quarrel 

ixa'te 

(S) 

do  well 

K 

*(k)ai'yax 

drop 

(k)ayik 

(S) 

receive 

k'a'ina' 

k'a'itena' 

play 

ka-k  'a 

k'  a-'ka 

ka-k'La 

sing 

(k)  ak  'a'ye 

(S) 

(k)ak'a'yile 

be  inclined  to 

(e)k'au'a, 

(S) 

(e)k'a.'ltin'a 

agree,   (be  seated) 

k'a-l'a 

k  'a'  La 

k'a-Ltena' 

fight,  battle 

(k)a'lep, 

(k)alo'lop  (S) 

lose,  forget 

(k)e'lep 

(k)a'mau 

(S) 

(k)ameytile 

be  together,  join 

k  'amle' 

(S) 

peep,  peer,  squint 

k'apk 

(S) 

kapil 

sweep,  erase 

*(k<)arme' 

wander,  stroll 

ka-u 

kau'wi 

ka'xa-u 

sleep 

*(k)a'wa 

(S) 

be  lacking 

*(k)auke' 

taste,   like 

*(k)aunop 

(S) 

finish,  end 

(k')e-'L 

dry  up 

k'e.'lo'(p) 

tie,  bind    . 

k  'epot  'au 

k'epo-t'ilau 

follow,  pursue 

1918] 


Mason:  The  Language  of  the  Salinan  Indians 


143 


Antoniano 

Migueleno 

ke-sk 

k'esk 

*(k)etaye'te 
(k)e-'yita' 
k  Vtipek 
ki. 

(S) 
(k)aite 
(S) 
ki«,  i 
ki-c 

k  'itipa 
k<o-l' 

(S) 
ko'L 

k  Vlik 
k'o-L 

(S) 

k'o'lpax 
k'o'k'ol'ce 

k  'o'Lpex 

k'  o'nox 

k'o'mate(k) 
k  'unip 
(k)uptun 

(S) 
(S) 
*(k<)u'tex 

(ke)la'ye 
*la-ye' 

(S) 
(S) 
lal 

lam 

lam 

(k)La' 
(k)La-'t'ne 
la-wa'  ' 

(k)La'patene 
la-'lua' 

lei 
*(ke)lekema'k 
(k)LeM' 
li'cxai 

(S) 
(S) 

le'cxai  ' 

li.xo' 

lale-'xo' 

lo-L 

lo-l 

loxo,  lok'o 
luane 
lu'etce 
(ke)luk'ua'la 
*lum 

loko'xo  ' 

(S) 
(S) 
(S) 
(S) 

ma'ca-L 

(k)Mad 
ma-k 

mak 

*  (ke)  makwoxtel 

(S) 

ma-L 

maL 

male-'ntax 

male'ntox 

mala-k 

ma'le 
*(m)a'nketso 
ma-t 

(S) 
(S) 

Plural 


(k)e-'yiteL 
k  'e'telapek 
kiya-L 

k  'ilipa 
ko.'la 
k  'olitak 


ko'nlox,  ko'lox 
ko-'mat'  elte 

(k)uptinil 


L 

(ke)lea'ite 
lay  in  e' 

lamhaL 
(k)La'pat 
(k)La-'t'tene 
la-u- 


(k)  limit' 

liya  'iyax,  li-t'  xo 
lo-'xLa 

luanile 
lu'etcile 


Meaning 

spy,  watch 

present,  deliver,  devote 

laugh,  shout 

banish,  exile 

go 

resemble,  like 

march 

be  hungry 

guard 

lift,  arise 

arise,  spring  up 

converse,  speak 

arrive,  reach 

buy 

desire 

scratch 

eat 


be  merciful 

move,  shake 

eject,  throw  out 

eat 

break,  be  broken 

swim 

release,  separate,  leave 

forsake,  abandon,  divorce 

requite,  revenge 

fall 

rain 

throw,  cast,  hit 

burn  oneself 

seize,  squeeze,  grasp 

know 

serve 

heed,  pursue 

separate  fire 


M 

maltintak  (S)       blaze,  burn 
(k)Ma-'iyal'  (M)  live,  possess  home 


ma-tak 

ma'lo-L 

maltintak  (S) 
malta-k 


ma-telau 


give 

sigh,  breathe  deeply 

fly 

remember,  think 
advise,  say 
doubt 
insert,  add 
fill  oneself 


144 


University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 


Antoniano. 

Migueleno 

Plural 

Meaning 

ma-'  'a 

ma'a-'u' 

ma-tele' 

bring,  carry,  raise 

*me 

sleep 

mene'    (S) 

me-'n' 

go  to  bring 

(t)me<  (nak) 

go  to  see 

me-'s 

mi'slip 

mest 

smell,  scent 

(a')me-'t 

me-'t 

try,  attempt 

me-t  'au' 

feel 

*(tam)    e-'tca 

arise,  get  up 

*(ke)mi'ltop 

(S) 

lightning 

*mitac 

(S) 

make 

nri-'tel-ak 

mi-'tela-tak' 

defeat,  beat 

mi't'ik 

mi't'ik 

mi't  'Lik 

run,  flee 

mie 

(S)' 

milic 

celebrate,   entertain 

*(i)mo'kLop 

drown 

molo'x 

molox 

ma'ltox 

jump 

map 

mopke/ 

grow,  increase 

mopxi' 

be  obliged 

mot  'u'xo 

tighten 

moupx 

(S) 

molopx 

strengthen 

*mue'teko 

(S) 

watch,    observe 

N 

*(e)nac 

dismount 

na-'yi' 

nai 

na-ihyi'  ' 

flee,  run 

*naye'm 

bring   (wood) 

na-'lo 

na'lyeton'  (M) 

await,  wait  for 

naL 

nal 

fill  oneself,  satiate 

(ke)na'me 

(S) 

(ke)namo'ten 

heat,  warm  oneself 

nep    (S) 

nap' 

cook 

ne'ka' 

nixla'  (S) 

obey 

ne' 

ne' 

ne'wo't    (M) 

take,  seize,  bring 

(ki)neutile 

(S) 

(ki)neutilte 

change,  move 

newiox, 

(pe)noyo'xo 

(S) 

(pe)no'toxo 

assent,  agree 

(ki)ni'ya 

take  away,  rob 

(e)no-'nanax 

no'iyo  ' 

(e)nuntilentaxo 

(S) 

collect,  gather 

*nok'i-'c 

appear 

no'le 

(S) 

no'lele 

run 

(o)noie 

(S) 

(o)no'te 

dare 

(e)notili' 

trade,  barter,  pay 

notx 

push   away 

*(e)nota"asiL 

do 

(e)notcene' 

(S) 

(o)notcen'e'te 

draw  near,  communicate 

(e)no'xo 

(i)naxtilo   (S) 

come 

0 

*(ko)amo 

(S) 

move  oneself 

*(t)o-cko'n'E 

be  fastened 

oi 

(S) 

oyil 

learn,  determine,  know 

1918] 


Mason:  The  Language  of  the  Salinan  Indians 


145 


Antoniano 

Migueleno 

Plural 

Meaning 

o'ye 

(S) 

remain,  be  left 

o-ye' 

ot'Ne' 

respond,  reply 

o'yote 

(S) 

uyio'tine 

move 

okot  'nap 

okot  'napelte 

dodge 

oko't'o' 

kill 

ok  'wa'te 

(S)' 

ok  'wa'tile 

flatter,  applaud 

o'la'le' 

be  ashamed 

olek,  k'alok' 

(S) 

ole'palk 

break 

o'lo.li' 

olole'  ' 

play  flute 

olt  'ek 

cut,  fell 

o'maiye  ' 

o'mayau  (S) 

begin,   commence,  leave 

o'ma 

(S) 

divide 

*omia'm 

(S) 

meet 

*o'miyo-te' 

o'  'kiut'  ne  ' 

support  oneself,  rest 

omp 

o'mop 

omolop 

finish,  cease,  end 

(k)o-n 

(k)o-'neL 

escape,  leave 

onai'ye 

(S) 

encircle  with  belt 

*(p)onataksa 

(S) 

send,  order 

*(k)o'niyi' 

be  afraid,  ashamed 

*ontcamaua'te 

(S) 

believe,  suggest 

opoi' 

opa'  'u 

op'  oiteno'x 

enter,  insert,  throw  in 

(k)o'potot'na 

' 

boil 

(e-'k)o-sna' 

(e-'k)ostena; 

whistle 

*(t)otenake' 

become,  make  oneself 

(k)otia' 

(S) 

(k)otilia' 

be  indisposed 

*otokinek 

pound,  hammer 

o-tatLe', 

o't?  atnox 

o'taxjele  ' 

butt,  gore,  dive 

otaxle-' 

*(k)o'tco-xnct' 

drop,  fall 

(i)ox,    (x)ox 

(S) 

approach 

o'xoyo-te' 

o'xoyo-ta'p 

o'xoiyo-tela  ' 

live,  exist 

o'xo-ma' 

o'xom'tela' 

hide 

o'xwetel   (S) 

o'xote  'p 

whip,  beat,  punish 

P 

(p)aye'm 

(S) 

carry,  bear 

(p)aitcik 

(S) 

(p)aitciltek 

visit,  communicate 

pa-ta,  pa-ka 

pa'tLa,   pa'xLa 

dance 

(p)a'lek 

(S) 

heat,  warm 

*(p)amtinik 

(S) 

see 

(p)aso'kau 

scratch 

(p)ats'ok' 

a'u 

*(p<)ca-ko' 

chop 

*  (p)eina'x 

(S) 

see 

(p)ele-'t'o 

(p)e'lextLo 

open 

(p)e'me.  '1 

use,  select 

*penLa-'k'o 

hustle 

(p)esk'o'na 

cook 

pesno'xo 

pesno'xo  ' 

pesnelo'xo 

hear,  listen 

146 


University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.     [Vol.  14 


Antoniano 
pe'sene 

pex 

*(p)exe'ko 
*pi' 

*(p)iematilo'xo 
*(p)ipta'tiko 
*(p)itca-lta'naxo 

okoleca' 

(p)o'nek 

pox 

psa'lo 

pxa-i 


Migueleno 

*(p)  eta.no 
(S) 

(S) 

(S) 
(S) 
(S) 

(p')ocai' 
pok'  e'lec 
*(p)o.L 

(S) 
pox 

*p  'te'lo-to 


Plural 
pe'sintLe 


polox 


pxaiyiL 


Meaning 

think 

seize,  grasp 

be  born,   come   out 

reject,  separate 

be   (substantive) 

suffer 

bite,  grind 

dream 

lift,  raise 

advise,  notify 

toast 

insert,  introduce 

enter,  go  down 

decide,  resolve 

fall  on  stomach 

pay 


sa« 
(i)sa'li 

saiyene 

se 

*sekot  'ak ' 

se- 

se'ni' 
*sitetenop 
*sole'k 


sa'nene 


(S) 
(S) 


S 

sa-teL 
sa'le-lte : 
sa-'mox 

se 


se'  NI  ' 


speak 
hate 

die  (many) 
marry   a  woman 
be,  are  (substantive,  at- 
tributive) 
tie,  bind 
tell,  say  to 
walk 

arrive  at  summit 
feel  genitals 


tad 

taiyai 

stink,  smell 

tale  (S) 

ta'lo  ' 

talte 

accompany 

ta'LxwaL 

ta'lxwaltenax 

work 

*tama'nepek 

remove,  abstract 

*tapen 

stroke 

tawa 

(S) 

tau'la 

remain,  delay 

*t'e'yo' 

be  alone 

*te.'le' 

hustle 

tepen 

pain,  hurt 

«•' 

tl.' 

do 

ti'a 

(S) 

tiila 

offend 

*tico. 

ticto 

(not)   see,  hear,  observe 

*(e)ti'cxaLta 

play 

ti'li 

(S) 

tiili 

dispatch,  send 

*ti't<  oLpet 

fight,  contest 

*ti-'tCON 

refuse,   decline 

*ti'ixai 

like,  wish 

1918] 


Mason:  The  Language  of  the  Salinan  Indians 


147 


Antoniano 

Migueleno 

Plural 

Meaning 

*t  'ola.'so 

exclaim 

*tpx 

(S) 

gather 

torn' 

turn' 

to'met 

fall 

*tom,  turn 

(S) 

agree,  assent 

tu'pex 

(S) 

tu'lpex 

scent,  give  good  odor 

T 

t<  a-'co 

ta'cila  (S) 

take  notice,  constrain, 

press 

*tal 

(S) 

scrub,  smooth 

*tam 

(S)       , 

ta-m 

hunt  pine  nuts 

*(k'ot)a'mek'ulentax  (S) 

lift  a  fallen  object 

*(et)an' 

arise,  get  up 

*t<  a-penya  ' 

collect,  gather 

*(t<)a.te 

have,  be 

*(p)t'a-'x 

pour  out 

te'  ' 

t'e' 

tetak 

tell,  say  to 

*te'yiteno 

shout,  acclaim 

(p)t'e'kax 

t  'ak<  ak'  o  ' 

(pe)tVkha-'k 

break  off,  saw  off,  stab, 

shoot 

(p)t'eka 

(p)t'aki 

kill 

(p)t'etoyo 

t  'of  o-'iyo  ' 

pound,  pulverize 

*(e)t'etepai 

shoot,  throw,  cast 

*(t)eni.lak 

be  worth,  valuable 

Via-' 

wish,  desire 

tica 

(S) 

tici'la 

sigh 

*ticmi' 

(S) 

discharge 

*(ke)ti'cnop 

(S) 

(ke)tictinop 

gather  food 

*(p)t'iyena'pak 

t'  iitenla'pk 

cut    one's   head    off,    de- 

capitate 

*(p)t'ika.'l 

strike,  beat 

timti't 

(S) 

take,  seize 

tiowe 

(S) 

titinowe 

be  happy 

*tipaxa 

(S) 

remove  oneself 

*titspiptup 

(S) 

fall 

*toku'mko- 

continue 

t'o'ina-'so 

t'u'inox 

perch,  sit  above 

t'o'ke-lax 

t  'okeltenax 

revive 

t  'o'loinox 

tpoleitina'x  (S) 

finish,  end 

t  'o'Ne-wu 

rub,  scratch  oneself 

t<  O'N  » 

ptu°uniko   (S) 

burn 

t'o'xON 

t  Vxo-tSn  ' 

snore 

*topoile 

(S) 

topoilile 

kneel 

t'  uina'pik 

tuinila'pek   (S) 

saw,  be  torn  up 

t'uk' 

t'uk' 

t'oka' 

crash,   thunder,  smash 

(p)t'u'kotna- 

bore 

TC 

(i)tca'klax 

(S) 

(i)tca'kiltax 

nail,  fasten 

tc  'a-'uwe  ' 

t-c'a-'u' 

tc  'a-'uye  ' 

seek,  hunt 

t'a-u' 

148 


University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Etlm.     [Vol  14 


Antoniano  Migueleno  Plural 

tc'e.'lo',  tc'a.'mo' 


Meaning 

wrap  up,  swaddle 


tc'upk,  tcakomo 

(S) 

tca'komel 

wash 

*tea'wate 

(S) 

lose  senses 

*tc'e-wa-nuwi' 

tce'welte"e    (S) 

be  upheld,  thrown 

tc'ehe.'na' 

be  angry 

*tci'pk 

(S) 

desire,  detain 

*tcuileu 

(S) 

tcukle'u 

divide 

tcutna'x, 

(S) 

fix,  insert,  extract 

tcutnepek 

TS 

ts'a-ts'i 

be  wet,  damp 

(pe)tseina'k 

(S) 

sell 

*tsetmiwe'liko 

(S) 

do 

ts'e-n',  ts'e.'k 

see,  observe,  watch 

ts'e-'nu' 

ts'e.'ten  (M) 

like,  enjoy,  be  happy 

tsepex 

(S) 

give  birth,  break 

(ke)  tsiknop 

(8) 

(ke)tsiktinop 

burst,  smash 

tsVtel 

ts  'ne'teL 

be  cold 

(ke)tsikna 

(S) 

(ke)tsi'ktina 

breathe 

tsil 

(S) 

suffer,  pain 

*(pe)tsimia'm 

(S) 

dress 

ts'ok'ox 

tsa'ktox 

frighten,  be  afraid 

ts  'o'xwan 

ts  'oxwen  ' 

shrivel,  dry 

U-W 

wa.'xaL,  o.'wahL 

wi'le' 

wo-'xaLtenax 

kill 

*wo<Li' 

send,   dispatch 

*(k)walita'tce 

(S) 

boil  vigorously 

* 

wa-'wel 

go  to  bring 

wa-t 

watil  (S) 

send 

wenx,  we'ten, 

welnex  (S) 

return 

we-ntx 

wi'pu 

wi-'tup 

give  however 

* 

umtan 

permit,  give 

upk  'i'na, 

(S) 

twist,  twine 

umk  'ina 

(S) 

utneka'lik 

beat,   strike,  thrash 

utca-k 

lend 

*(k)utc'e'l 

halt,  stop 

X 

(ol)xa',  (it)xa 

(S) 

withstand,  bear 

xac 

ka'ciL 

sit  down,  be  seated 

*(epe)xayit 

(S) 

hate 

*xai'yaL   (M) 

go 

xa-i 

(S) 

xa'yeL 

doubt 

xa'la,  ha'la 

use,  shoot 

xam,  xap 

xameL 

end,  finish 

(p)xanse 

ko'nsele 

sell 

1918] 


Mason:  The  Language  of  the  Salinan  Indians 


149 


Antoniano 

Migueleno 

Plural 

Meaning 

xa'pek 

xa'pko  ' 

dig,  excavate,  climb 

xa-'ta 

xa-'ta 

xa'La 

weep 

*ha-te' 

remain 

xe/co 

xe-c 

xeclu   (S) 

inter,  bury 

he'la 

he'la 

await 

xo'wia 

(S) 

xoiolua 

breathe,  live 

*ho'yi' 

say 

*xoyu'k  ' 

(S) 

soften 

(h)o'ne-t, 

defeat,  beat 

(k)o'ne-t' 

xot' 

xotk 

blow 

xo't  'op 

xo't'Lop    (M) 

pass  by 

xwen 

xwe-n 

xwene  'lax 

arrive 

ADJECTIVAL  STEMS 

(k)ama'cu 

sweet 

(ke)ama-'uk 

(S) 

(ke)ama-'ulik 

pious,  compassionate 

(k)atululna 

(S) 

straight  (road) 

(k)a'tca-mp'a' 

(k)a-'tca-tenapa 

mean,  fierce,  brave 

(k)apa'mak 

(S) 

(k)apa'melmak 

simple,  benevolent 

(k)axa'ntee 

(S) 

angry,  passionate 

(k)a'wa 

,(S) 

(k)a'ula 

robust,  healthy 

ca-'xa'NE 

(k)ca-'xa'tena' 

blue 

ce.'ta 

scabby 

(ku)cu'k 

su'ko 

deaf 

(e)cmic 

(S) 

poor 

co'wut' 

cauwat 

eo'watLax 

black 

(k)e'sene' 

bad 

ecxo-ni' 

icxo-ne 

e'cxo-tene' 

poor,  thin,  feeble 

(k)esiyu'k' 

(k)esiyuk'lax 

sweet 

(t)emitcu'k'o 

(S) 

holey 

(k)eslo'hol 

salty 

(k)esna" 

true 

(k)etca." 

(k)etc'a." 

(k)etca"aten 

large,  great 

(k)etpenik 

(S) 

(k)etpenilek 

stony,  rough 

(k)icxo'a 

(S) 

covered 

(k)i'le 

(S) 

lazy 

(k)imoupxa 

(S) 

(k)imoupxela 

valiant 

(k)i'notopa' 

(S) 

different,  distinct 

(k')io'x 

high   (above  water) 

(k)ita'lna 

first   quarter    (moon) 

(k)itcka-'ten 

tc'ka'ten' 

(k)itcka-'te-lax 

red 

(k)itetse'nxa 

expert,  crafty 

(k)itcmila 

(S) 

(k)itcmi'lita 

transparent 

(k)itspilil 

(S) 

painted 

(k)i'tcowok'a 

(S) 

(k)i'tcowota 

rich 

(k)itsto'lne 

(S) 

(k)itsto'ltine 

twisted 

(k)i'wun 

savory,  tasty 

150 


University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.      [Vol.  14 


Antoniano 

Migueleno 

Plural 

Meaning 

k  'a'ye 

disobedient 

k  'ak  'anxa 

(S) 

coagulated 

k  'atapNe-'xe  ' 

heavy  (rain) 

k'nap 

k'nap 

ripe 

k'ockwe'top 

(S) 

kockwe'tilop 

thin 

k'wa-'ka 

k'wa-'kelt'a 

long,  tall 

(k)la'k'Mak' 

brave,  valiant 

lakulem 

lower 

le-ma'lem 

upper 

lama'yu 

lamai 

right 

la'pai 

left 

(k)Le"tax 

(k)Le"talax 

sharp 

letapyele 

last  quarter   (moon) 

(ke)lu'tca 

(S) 

(ke)lutca'aten 

dumb 

(k)loi 

lame,  crippled 

ma't5  aL 

ma't'  a-L 

(k()ma'talta 

white 

(k<)me't'ou 

cmo't 

heavy,  deep   (snow) 

mup 

(S)   ' 

large  (child) 

ok  'elo 

o'kel 

left 

(k)osweak 

(S) 

agile 

(t)oti'pe'N 

rapid 

(k)omux 

(S)  ' 

elder 

(ke)otca' 

(S) 

(ke)otce'la 

benevolent,  pious 

(k)owa'te 

(S) 

difficult 

(k')pat' 

(k')pa't'Lax 

hard 

pi'nxa 

(S) 

good,  successful   (thing) 

sa-x 

(S) 

sakehe'L 

good  (person) 

sa'xwelyo'x 

smooth-edged 

sep 

right 

ski.'ntui  ' 

sku'nt'  ui  ' 

small,  thin,  lesser 

skl'tana 

sko'tan 

small 

skusna 

half  (moon) 

(e)sluteya'mo 

(S) 

(  e  )  sluteya'moten 

short,  bent   (with  age) 

smat 

smat 

smahate'L 

beautiful 

(k')so.'le' 

sad 

spukita 

upper 

stiyo'  'owan 

stiyo-'wanlax 

pretty,  graceful 

swa'nan 

swa'nan 

lonesome 

(k)te'k'a 

stikwau 

young,  new 

ta'kata 

new  (moon) 

te.'le  'pMi 

full 

tele'sa 

lower 

telwane' 

strong,  fierce 

timoen 

lame 

tinkxa 

ti'nelkxa 

dear,  beloved 

t'ise 

strong,  able 

tolep 

sad 

toyo'weto 

(S) 

wise 

tunu'iko 

red-winged 

ta'to 

(S) 

tatotne'l 

foreign,  strange 

t<  a'wut 

t<  xauwat 

yellow 

tU.'kilele' 

t'i.'kelilte' 

round 

1918] 


Mason :  The  Language  of  the  Salinan  Indians 


151 


Antoniano  Migueleno 

tixa'yo  (S) 

(kom)tek'  (S) 

(kom)teko'lnox  (S) 
(k')t'pelel 


Plural  Meaning 

tixa'yout  ordinary 

(kom)taka'i  (in)  corrupt 

(kom))  teko'ltinox  (un )  penetrated 
(k')t'pe'le.lta       striped 


tukilnu 

full  (moon) 

t'u'moi-ne' 

docked 

*tc'a'haliltena' 

thin,  famished 

tcamauk 

(S) 

haughty 

tc<  a'pa-iyine 

tc'  a'paiyitine  ' 

wide 

(k')tcVp 

tired 

tcehen(mak) 

tce'henmilak 

irritable,  mean 

e-li'to 

(S) 

equal 

ts  'a-'lamkwaL 

clear   (sky) 

ts'ep 

ts'ep 

ts  Vpax 

good,  well 

(k<)ts'e'pen> 

ts  'e'peyitini 

small 

(k')ts'eteL 

cold 

ts  'ka'teJaxka-'5 

naked 

(k)u'sululna' 

(k)esulutina' 

straight   (tree) 

(k)umtica' 

brown 

(k)u'wate 

very  bad 

(k)wi'le' 

(k)wi'lte' 

straight 

wi'lapne 

right 

(k)wi'tcen' 

smoky 

(k')wo'slop' 

strong,  numerous 

(e)xai' 

xai 

brave 

xilap  ' 

valiant,  brave 

xii-nig." 

ckomo 

xomoNe'L 

ferocious,  bad 

xu'tia,  ku'tia 

sick,  ill 

yu'wan 

sweet 

VARIOUS  STEMS 

DEMONSTEATIVE  AETICLES 

*aswai 

*aswa 

this,  these 

keca'  ' 

kVlau' 

how  many? 

kiputa 

kipu'tila 

last 

(k)I.'si]e' 

(k)I.'sili'p 

all,  every 

mas 

ta-cne'L 

somebody,  someone 

me-yo'  ' 

same 

na 

na,  no'na 

this,  these 

pe 

he,  we 

the,    that,    that    which, 

those 

pa 

lift 

that,  those 

*se-'t'kam 

each 

tama'ya 

ta'maila 

next 

t'ya 

each 

toy  Vwe 

(S) 

teyo  'o'we 

alone,  sole 

ta'crake  ', 

tace'Ltake 

some,  something 

ta/rake 

xai'ya' 

many 

152 


University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.      [Vol.14 


TEMPOEAL  ADVEEBS 


il-a,  ilta 

I-n 

ke'tka 

kisa',  kwits 

ki-'ya-t'e' 

ki/yax 

(k)Lu-'wa' 

ko'kai 

le-lo',  lo' 

moka." 

me'cak 

me-yo" 

na-ta-' 

*noee" 

nomimo 

nopaha' 

noko'nxa ' 

notie'WA 

no-no*. non,  no5 

tana' 

taha',  ta- 

tel.I/n 

tats',  rats 'a 

t<  ikisna' ' 

tupa'ha 

tume',  rume' 

t<  uxwe'nto 

tcu 


(proclitic) 

(S) 

(enclitic) 

(S) 

(S) 


(proclitic) 
(S) 

(enclitic) 
(Mig.,  enclitic) 

(proclitic) 
(enclitic) 

(S.,  proclitic) 


(enclitic) 
(Mig.,  enclitic) 
(enclitic) 
(enclitic) 
(proclitic) 


(enclitic) 
(S) 


soon,   presently,   after 

soon,  afterwards 

yet,   still 

already 

always 

always 

always  will 

much,  long 

yet 

formerly 

now 

continually 

continually 

now 

soon,  almost 

before 

day  before  yesterday 

yesterday 

yesterday 

soon,    some   time,   now 

now 

now 

while,    during 

always,  continually 

continually 

day  after  tomorrow 

then,  following 

presently,  soon 

in  the  beginning 


LOCATIVE   ADVEEBS 


Antoniano 
ke'u 

ma'ye 

nepa',   nepe' 

na'ye,  tonai' 

ra  'ke' 

pa 

t<  lya'x 

wa' 

wi 


k  'eJi'cxo 

kid'he' 

la-'ko 


General 
Migucleno 


*hu 
(S) 
(8) 
(8) 


lak' 


Particular 
beneath 
down 
down,  below 


Meaning 

indefinite  place,  there 
there,  ahi 
there,  por  alia 
there,  alii,  alia 
here,  aqui 
somewhere 
there,  here 
there,  oM 
there,  distant 
here,  aqui,  acd 


(icxe',  foot) 


1918] 


Mason:  The  Language  of  the  Salinan  Indians 


153 


Antoniano 
le-mo" 
p'au 
pepoxo 
sk  'a-m 

t'OL 

tewa-'ko 

tewai'yu 

texopi'cxo 

teyoxana'  'yu 

tika'ko 

titco'mo 

to.'ke 

to'me-lo 

tceN 


Migueleno 


(S) 


Meaning 
over,  on,  above 
beyond 
beneath 
near,  beside 
near 

beside,  near 
at  side  of 
at  the  edge  of 
at  the  surface  of 
above,  over,  at  top 
behind 
in,  within 
at  the  end  of,  edge 
outside,  out 


(noun,  other  side?) 


(noun  side?) 
(noun  side?) 
(noun  edge?) 
(noun  surface?) 
(ta'ak,  head) 
(ti'tcom',  back) 

\noun  end?) 


DESCEIPTIVE  ADVEEBS 


letano 

kai'yik* 

ka-'xwen 

k  Vlop 

koyu'p 

k'sa 

misa'tik 

pe-'ptelop' 

pe-'nle 

skomo' 

tewai' 

tikts  'e'p'  ksa 

tutisi 

tce'e 

tcitso 


(Mig.) 


half 

slowly 

much 

very,  much,   enough 

easily 

more,  very,  entirely,  truly,  well 

strongly 

too  much 

swiftly 

slightly 

half,  partly 

uselessly 

thus 

truly 

only,  solely 


NUMEBALSsi 

Antoniano 

t'OL 

Migueleno 
t  VixYU 

Meaning 
1 

ka'k<  cu 

xa'kic 

2 

kLa'pai 
k'i'ca' 

la'pai 
k'i'ca' 

3 
4 

o'Lt<  au 

olta-'to 

5 

paia/neL 

to' 

caa'neL 

paya'teL 
t'e'p 
ca't'  CL 

6 

7 
8 

te'tet'  o'  'e 
t'  o'  'e 
t'  o'  'etaxt  'OL 

te'tet'  o'paL 

t'  O'paL 

9 
10 
11 

la'paikca  ' 
la'paikcataxt 
woco'co 

'OL 

12 
13 
14 

la'paioLt'  au 
k'pec 

"Numerical  System"  in 

15 
16 

Ethnology,  p.  134. 

si  Cf  .  discussion  on 

154 


University  of  California  Publications  in  Am.  Arch,  and  Ethn.      [Vol.  14 


CONJUNCTIONS 


Antoniano 


Migueleno 
he'u'wa't 


i-n,  yoin 

kas 

kas 

kasi'no,  maxa'ya 

(S) 

ki-c 

ki-c 

ki'ri,  keti' 

me'na'ko 

mi'yo  'k 

peti'yo 

(S) 

te'rcte,  terc 

tayopa 

(S) 

tka- 

(S) 

ti 

(S) 

tarn,  ram,  am 

tan,  ran,  an 

tan 

tana'i-t 

tax 

ta'xo 

uska'  ' 

Meaning 
therefore 

more  than  (comparison) 
but,  only 
if  not 

like,  resembling 
because 

why?  ah!  because 
like,  as 
therefore 
although 
in   case 
also 

then,  next 
and,   but 
although 
and 


INTEEJECTIONS 


a"  imya" 


ha-'kse 

ko'tisen    (Mig.) 

ka-,  koa-' 

ke'ra',  ka'ra' 

me-'mten 

mai 

no< 

yo' 

yaha 


go  ahead! 

all  right! 

yes! 

no! 

be    careful! 

come  on! 

no! 

now  then! 

come! 

good! 

now!  he! 

hurrah! 


UNIVERSITY   OF   CALIFORNIA   PUBLICATIONS  -  (CONTINUED) 

VoL  7.      1.  The  Emeryville  Shellniound,  by  Max  TJhle.    Pp.  1-106,  plates  1-12,  with 

38  text  figures.    June,  1907 _ _ 1.26 

2.  Recent  Investigations  bearing  upon  the  Question  of  the  Occurrence  of 

Neocene  Man  in  the  Auriferous  Gravels  of  California,  by  William 

J.  Sinclair,    Pp.  107-130,  plates  13-14.    February,  1908  _.      £6 

3.  Porno  Indian  Basketry,  by  S.  A.  Barrett.    Pp.  133-306,  plates  15-30, 

231  text  figures.    December,  1908 * _...     1.76 

4.  Shellmounds  of  the  San  Francisco  Bay  Eegicn,  by  N.  0.  NeiBon. 

Pp.  309-G56,  plates  32-34.     December,   1909   '. 50 

5.  The  Ellis  Landing  Shellmound,  by  N.  0.  Nelson.    Pp.  357-426,  plates 

S6-50.    April,  1910  „ 7S 

Index,  pp.  427-443. 
Vol.  8.      1.  A  Mission  Eecord  of  the  California  Indians,  from  a  Manuscript  in  the 

Bancroft  Library,  by  A.  L.  Kroebcr.    Pp.  1-27.    May,  1908  .25 

2.  The  Ethnography  of  the  Cahuilla  Indians,  by  A.  L.  Kroeber.    Pp.  29- 

68,  plates  1-15.    July,  1908  _ 75 

S.  The  Religion  of  the  Luisefio  and  Dieguefio  Indians  of  Southern  Cali- 
fornia, by  Constance  Goddard  Dubois.  Pp.  69-186,  plates  16-19. 
June,  1908 1.26 

4.  The  Culture  of  the  Luisefio  Indians,  by  Philip  Stedman  Sparkman. 

Pp.  187-234,  plate  20.    August,  1908  „..       .50 

5.  Notes  on  Shoshonean  Dialects  of  Southern  California,  by  A.  L.  Kroe- 

ber.    Pp.  235-269.     September,   1909 35 

6.  The  Eeligious  Practices  of  the  Dieguefio  Indians,  by  T.  T.  Waterman. 

Pp.  271-358,  plates  21-28.    March,  1910  80 

Index,  pp.  3f.  9-369. 
VoL  9.      1.  Tana  Testa,  by  Ed-ward  Sayir,  together  with  Yana  Myths  collected  by 

Roland  B.  Dixon.    Pp.  1-235.    February,  1910 ..., 2.50 

2.  The  Chumash  and  Costanoan  Languages,  by  A.  L.  Kroeber.    Pp.  237- 

271.     November,  1910 35 

S.  The  Languages  of  tho  Coast  of  California  North  of  San  Francisco,  by 

A.  L.  Kroeber.    Pp.  273-435,  and  map.    April,  1911 „ _...    1.50 

Index,  pp;  437-439. 
Vol.  10.    1.  Phonetic  Constituents  of  the  Native  Languages  of  California,  by  A. 

L.  Kroeber.    Pp.  1-12.    May,  1911 10 

2.  The  Phonetic  Elements  of  the  Northern  Paiute  Language,  by  T.  T. 

Waterman.    Pp.  13-44,  plates  1-5.    November,  1311 45 

S.  Phonetic  Elements  of  the  Mohave  Language,  by  A.  L.  Kroeber.    Pp. 

45-96,  plates  6-20.    November,  1911 65 

4.  The  Ethnology  of  the  Salinan  Indians,  by  J.  Alden  Maso-j.    Pp.  97- 

2'0,  plates  21-37.    December,  1912  1.75 

5.  Papago  Verb  Stems,  by  Juan  Dolores.    Pp.  241-263.    August,  1913 25 

6.  Notes  on  the  Chilula  Indians  of  Northwestern  California,  by  Pliny 

Earl  Goddard.    Pp.  265-288,  plates  38-41.     April,  1914 30 

7.  Chilula  Texts,  by  Pliny  Earle  Goddard.     Pp.   289-379.     November, 

1914 1.00 

Index,  pp.  381-385. 
Vol.  11.    1.  Elements  of  the  Kato  Language,  by  Pliny  Earle  Goddard.    Pp.  1-176, 

plates  1-45.     October,  1912  , 2.00 

2.  Phonetic  Elements  of  the  Dieguefio  Language,  by  A.  L.  Kroeber  and 

J.  P.  Harrington.    Pp.  177-188.     April,  1914  10 

3.  Sarsi  Texts,  by  Pliny  Earle  Goddard.    Pp.  189-277.    February,  1915....    1.00 

4.  Serian,  Tequistlatecan,  and  Hokan,  by  A.  L.  Kroeber.    Pp.  279-290. 

February,  1915 10 

B.  Dichotomous  Social  Organization  in  South  Central  California,  by  Ed- 
ward Winslow  Gifford.  Pp.  291-296.  February,  1916 „  .05 

6.  The  Delineation  of  the  Day-Signs  in  the  Aztec  Manuscripts,  by  T.  T. 

Waterman.    Pp.  297-398.    March,  1916  1.00 

7.  The  Mutsun  Dialect  of  Costanoan  Based  on  the  Vocabulary  of  De  la 

Ouesta,  by  J.  Alden  Mason.    Pp.  399-472.    March,  1916 70 

Index,  pp.  473-479. 
VoL  12.    1.  Composition  of  California  Shellmounds,  by  Edward  Winslow  Gifford. 

Pp.  1-29.    February,  1916  ..„ SO 

2.  California  Place  Names  of  Indian  Origin,  by  A.  L.  Kroeber.     Pp. 

31-69.     June,   1916   40 

3.  Arapaho  Dialects,  by  A.  L.  Kroeber.    Pp.  71-138.    June,  1916  70 

4.  Miwok  Moieties,  by  Edward  Winslow  Gifford.     Pp.  139-194.     June, 

1916    55 

5.  On  Plotting  the  Inflections  of  the  Voico,  by  Cornelius  B.  Bradley.    Pp. 

195-218,  plates  1-5.    October,  1916 25 


'•-<•:• ';::^.->t 


